Shin Jang-sik: "Structural Majority? If That's the Path, Don't Feel Bitter Toward the Rebuilding Korea Party"

- Urging the Democratic Party to join the impeachment motion against Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae; Democratic Party is deliberating
- Understanding the ruling party's stance, but failure to make a resolute decision could lead to another blow
- Chief Justice Cho could strike back through "Kim Keon-hee's release and the Oh Se-hoon ruling"
- A card to pressure the ruling party to join? Kim Min-seok must recall the time of Yoon Suk Yeol
- No practical benefit? No one knows what Cho might do before his term ends
- We must prevent the precedent that a Chief Justice remains untouchable regardless of what they do
- Confident in winning at the Constitutional Court? Not easy, but the requirement of gravity is met
- Building up Han Dong-hoon's political weight with a special counsel bill? Isn't he already a heavyweight?
- Unnecessary worries… People Power Party reactions will be split down the middle
- Mention of a structural majority by the President? An alliance to stop the far right is possible
- But the progressive reformist position must also be respected… We stand for clear reform
 
■ Program: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 – 9:00 AM)
■ Date: Tuesday, October 20, 2026
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Representative Shin Jang-sik, Leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yesterday, the Rebuilding Korea Party unveiled its second impeachment motion against Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae and urged the Democratic Party to join in. Joining us now is Shin Jang-sik, leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party. Welcome.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Hello. I am Shin Jang-sik, party leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party Fighting Inequality—the "Fighting Phoenix."
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Did you coin that? "Fighting Phoenix"?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes, "Bulssajo" [Fighting Phoenix].
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: What does that stand for?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: The Rebuilding Korea Party fighting inequality.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Ah, Bulssajo.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Bulssajo.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Bulssajo. Sounds good.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Let's start with this. Right now, what the Rebuilding Korea Party is pushing most aggressively is the impeachment motion against Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae, isn't it?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: That is correct.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Following the one drafted in October of last year, this is the second one you've prepared.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: That's right, the second one.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: But realistically, the Rebuilding Korea Party alone cannot introduce it.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: We cannot.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: You need the Democratic Party's help.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Introducing an impeachment motion requires one-third of the assembly, and passing it requires a majority. That means 100 seats are needed to introduce it, and 150 seats are needed to pass it. So our 12 seats alone are not enough. That's why we need democratic and progressive reform parties like the Social Democratic Party and the Basic Income Party. But among them, the Democratic Party is the one with the greatest responsibility, and things will happen only if they make a responsible decision. That is why yesterday we proposed doing something together to the Democratic Party and the broader democratic-progressive bloc, and we plan to make a more concrete proposal today at 1:40 PM.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: What kind of concrete proposal?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Details such as what specifically to do and designating points of contact.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Do you think the Democratic Party will take action?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I think the Democratic Party is deliberating.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: While Representative Kim Min-seok has also mentioned impeachment, looking internally...
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: There are diverse opinions.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes, that seems to be the case.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Opinions suggest that they should gather views within the floor before deciding what Representative Kim Min-seok should resolve to do. I understand that because they are the governing party and a mammoth party holding over 160 seats, they cannot help but move cautiously. However, if they do not make a decision when one is needed, and if they take another hit from Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae, they will have to face public criticism asking what on earth the Democratic Party is doing with all those seats. I anticipate that Chief Justice Cho will definitely take action—either by doing nothing or by making political statements.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: You just said "taking another hit from Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae." What could that be?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: From Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: You mean if the Democratic Party and the Rebuilding Korea Party take another blow from him.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: The Democratic Party.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: What are you anticipating? You just mentioned anticipating that he will do something again.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: First, there is a way he can act simply by doing nothing. Looking at the scheduling of the hearing dates for the trial of Kim Keon-hee, October 31 is the expiration date of her detention period. That means the Supreme Court must either deliver a ruling on the case currently pending in the third instance before then or issue an additional arrest warrant. But he could simply stay still and do nothing.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: If they do nothing, she just walks out, right?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Exactly. If they do nothing. But looking at the hearing schedule, they don't seem likely to hand down a ruling on that third-instance case. They set hearing dates, and while they could conduct a high-speed process like they did during President Lee Jae-myung's candidate days by setting hearings on two consecutive days and ruling immediately, it appears they won't do that. As a result, Kim Keon-hee could walk free after October 31.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: That is one scenario. Another concern is: do you think the trial involving the President might be resumed?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I think that looks somewhat difficult. It could be used as a card, though. As you well know as an attorney, legally speaking, a sitting president cannot face trial while in office except for charges of insurrection or treason. So that seems a bit far-fetched, but just saying a single phrase like "it is under review" could serve as immense political pressure on the Democratic Party or President Lee Jae-myung.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Just saying "it is under review" could place tremendous pressure on the President.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: That could certainly happen.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: What else are you considering?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Furthermore, did Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae only take action within the Supreme Court? Not at all.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Really?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Back when the case of presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung was remanded, the Seoul High Court made unprecedented moves. For example, when serving legal documents, the normal procedure is postal service, followed by special service on weekends if that fails,
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: And night service.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Night service, and only if all that fails do they finally use bailiff service. Yet they skipped everything before it and jumped straight to bailiff service. They tried to speed up the remanded trial at the High Court. That is why we are closely watching what kinds of verdicts will come out in the trials related to the insurrection currently at the first and second instances, the trials concerning Kim Keon-hee, or the trial related to Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: I saw an exclusive report by No Cut News this morning reporting that Representative Kim Min-seok spoke with Legislation and Judiciary Committee Chair Seo Young-kyo late last month ahead of the parliamentary audit of the Supreme Court to seek her opinion on grounds for impeachment. Because if an impeachment motion is actually introduced, Chair Seo could serve as the impeachment prosecutor.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: The lead prosecutor, yes.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Right. So there is speculation that Representative Kim Min-seok's thinking might be somewhat different from before. If the Democratic Party makes a resolute decision and says, "Representative Shin, let's go," that's one thing. But if they say, "We still think it's better not to do this; it's a burden for us as the major ruling party," do you have any cards to pressure the Democratic Party?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: We don't view it as pressuring them. We understand that taking action may be difficult. However, look back at the time when we sought to impeach Yoon Suk Yeol. In particular, when we said during the 2024 general election that "three years is too long," and when we brought up impeaching Yoon Suk Yeol after some time had passed, everyone in the Democratic Party said we were rushing too much and warned of a potential backlash from moderates. The exact same arguments are being repeated right now.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: But back then, the argument that "three years is too long" and that President Yoon Suk Yeol should be impeached was based on totally absurd actions that unfolded later, which differed from the reasons the Rebuilding Korea Party initially claimed.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Those things did happen.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: That's why it happened.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes. But even then, we included insurrection in the grounds for impeachment, and right after that night of insurrection, early the next morning, we set aside all other impeachment grounds and submitted an impeachment motion based solely on insurrection. Even back then, they were extremely cautious.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Representative, look. Back then, it was "three years is too long." But right now, it's not three years—how much time is left? Does the Chief Justice have about 7 months left in his term?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: That's right.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: If you introduce an impeachment motion, send it to the Constitutional Court, write the bill, and so forth...
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Is there any practical benefit?
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: He'll be stepping down in 6 or 7 months anyway, so why bother?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: There are roughly three counterarguments.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: His term ends in early June next year.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes, early June next year. First, will the public readily accept and approve of it? The debate over whether it will be a tailwind or a backlash. Second, is there practical benefit when it ends in June anyway? And third, can we really win? All three must be carefully examined, but there is something far more important than those.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: What is that?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: First, whether by doing nothing or by taking action until June next year, Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae will continue to commit acts that the judiciary should never do, as I mentioned earlier.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Second, spending corporate cards on omakase meals to fulfill staff members' wishes—why fulfill staff wishes with corporate cards instead of personal cards? Then, despite controversy within the legal community, refusing renomination requests and thereby neutralizing presidential appointment authority. Furthermore, failing to properly recommend appointments, which ultimately infringes upon the citizens' right to a trial. In addition, grounds for impeachment do not immediately expire under a statute of limitations. Allowing him to finish his term while leaving unaddressed reasons such as abandoning political neutrality through the unprecedented remanding of presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung's case would leave an enormous stain on the Republic of Korea and judicial justice.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Regardless of whether it gets dismissed or upheld—and I believe there is a strong possibility it will be upheld—setting a precedent where a Chief Justice can act entirely at will and complete their term untouched by anyone is simply not a good thing for the Republic of Korea.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: But Representative, shouldn't you avoid saying "regardless of whether it's upheld or dismissed"? Shouldn't you have firm conviction that it will be upheld before moving to impeach a sitting Chief Justice?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I believe it can be upheld. But I am saying that to tell those who worry about it not to be anxious.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: The grounds currently being prepared have broadly outlined outlines, right?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes. We divided them into roughly three main categories.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: The renomination issue would be one.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: The remanding of presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung's case, the renomination refusal, and the illegal use of business promotion expenses and cards, including encouragement funds. I consider the encouragement funds even more serious.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Alright. Are you confident you will win at the Constitutional Court? Many in the Democratic Party point out that this is by no means an easy fight.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Even during Yoon Suk Yeol's insurrection, it took a long time; is there such a thing as an easy constitutional trial?
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Insurrection was clearly visible, whereas this is different.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: But even back then, all sorts of arguments were made. So I don't think it will be an easy trial. However, I want to emphasize this to the Constitutional Court in particular: compared to the gravity of an offense where a bus driver was found guilty of embezzling 800 won, the acts committed by the Chief Justice—the very symbol of the rule of law in South Korea—such as handing out encouragement funds and improperly using corporate cards, are far more grave. I believe the gravity requirement must be viewed differently between a Chief Justice and a bus driver. That gravity standard must be applied strictly—not because the absolute scale was gigantic, but because even minor faults in a Chief Justice, who symbolizes the rule of law, must be regarded as grave.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Understood. Since time is short, let's cover two quick topics. Talking with you makes time fly, reminding me of our past broadcasts. Let's look at two points. First, there's talk of introducing a special counsel bill targeting Representative Han Dong-hoon. Some say...
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: We have already introduced one.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Setting aside the factual merit, some in the Democratic Party point out that this might only build up Representative Han Dong-hoon's political weight.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I think that is an unnecessary worry. Isn't Representative Han Dong-hoon's political weight already quite significant? He is ranking first among conservatives. How much more weight could he possibly gain? That is a groundless concern. If wrongdoing occurred and a special counsel is needed—while I believe proper investigation by prosecuting and investigative agencies should come first, that is currently not happening. Furthermore, what is critical is the suspicion that he received investigative intelligence. I don't think this will stop at a single occurrence. Unless we stop the ongoing leak of investigative intelligence from the so-called pro-Han faction or pro-prosecution faction through a thorough investigation now, it will repeat itself. This cannot be allowed. Whether it is Han Dong-hoon or anyone else, that must be stopped.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: One more question. If it is introduced and advances,
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: As I said, we already introduced it.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Right, once it comes up, how do you think the People Power Party will react?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Wouldn't the People Power Party be split half and half?
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Split half and half? Between the pro-Han faction and the pro-Chang faction?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: You saw Vice Speaker Park Duk-hyum in action, didn't you?
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Did I?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: When asked, "Is Representative Han Dong-hoon also a political prosecutor?" he said, "That cannot be denied."
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: I see. I was curious about how the People Power Party would handle it.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I am curious as well.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Let's discuss what came up during the President's press conference yesterday. He said: "The reformist, progressive, and democratic bloc is fundamentally a minority. No matter how much we unite amongst ourselves, if moderates and a certain segment of rational conservatives unite against us, retaining power is impossible. We must move toward a structure where moderates and rational conservatives agree. The state of securing that agreement is what constitutes a structural majority." He explained quite specifically why we must pursue this structural majority. How did you interpret this?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: I think we need to consider how the battle lines should be drawn. In Germany, there is a battle line known as die Brandmauer. That refers to a firewall alliance. To stand against the far right—specifically the AfD (Alternative for Germany), which many compare to the old Nazis—even the largest conservative party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), refuses to enter a coalition with them. I believe reinforcing this kind of Brandmauer, or firewall alliance, is fundamentally important.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: For that purpose, we must forge alliances and join hands. And I believe moving toward moderate conservatism is possible.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: To block the far right?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yes. To block the far right. However, if that is the judgment made, they should not feel bitter toward the progressive reformist bloc—those like our Rebuilding Korea Party who advocate clear-cut reform. In other words, if they have shifted their position in that direction, they should simply acknowledge the position of the progressive reformist bloc as it is. When it comes to die Brandmauer, the firewall alliance to defeat the far right, we can cooperate with each other. As for differences in other policies, those can be acknowledged as they are.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Yet they seem quite offended. When we say, "Shouldn't we stand for clearer, bolder reform?" they feel bitter. I don't think there is any need for that. I believe President Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party, which professes to be a moderate-conservative party, must succeed in building an alliance to overcome the insurrection and stop the far right.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: However, the pillar of bold reform—a pillar of clear reform like the Rebuilding Korea Party—has its own distinct role in Korean politics. Rather than feeling bitter about that, they should actively enable that role to be played, such as by facilitating our status as a parliamentary negotiation group.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: In brief: the Rebuilding Korea Party has its role, and the Democratic Party has its role.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: That is correct.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: So could the two parties then both ally under the President's cooperation toward a structural majority?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: A structural majority depends on the battle line.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: So you can participate in an alliance to block the far right?
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: An alliance to block far-right forces is something we can join at any time. We can join in an alliance to block the far right. However, the role that the progressive reform bloc must play as a pillar of bold reform also clearly exists.
 
▷Kim Tae-hyun: Understood. We will wrap up here. This was Representative Shin Jang-sik, leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party. Thank you.
 
▶Shin Jang-sik: Thank you.
 
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