KOR- Primary with joint rallies taking place after voting... Finding the schedule set by former party establishment puzzling
- Blurry factional line is my strength... 'Anti-Chung alliance' to stop pro-Chung faction
- Choi Min-hee's 'bat' remark is pure factionalism... Has 'Ilbe culture' seeped in?
- I am the only three-term lawmaker... Supreme Council centered on first- and second-termers could turn into a 'Bongsunga School'
- Pro-Chung candidates lack flexibility... They will hold back the party leader, not Chung
- Must prepare for the general election with messages expanding reach and moderate support
- Criminal Procedure Act amendment strengthens right to demand investigation... Police control measures are sufficient
- Tax reform plan? The ruling party must convince the government to meet public expectations
■ Broadcast: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 ~ 9:00)
■ Date: August 4, 2026 (Tuesday)
■ Host: Lawyer Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Kim Young-ho, Democratic Party Supreme Council candidate
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: As announced earlier, we will speak with Lawmaker Kim Young-ho, who is participating in the regional primary tour as a candidate for the Democratic Party Supreme Council. Hello, Lawmaker Kim.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Hello.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: How are things going for you, Lawmaker?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Well, I am worried because the results are coming in much lower than expected.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: So right now, although it has only been a week, you are currently in the lower ranks among the eight candidates.
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's right.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: How are you structuring your strategy for a major comeback?
▶ Kim Young-ho: The primaries in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam and Chungcheong are now over. That accounts for about 17% in total. And starting this week, Daegu-Gyeongbuk, Gangwon, Jeju, and Incheon remain. They seem like vast metropolitan regions, but when counted, they make up about 15%. So the last week—the national convention is on August 17—is Super Week, where 70% of the votes will be counted. So I think this time,
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Honam and the Seoul metropolitan area?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes. Honam, Seoul, and Gyeonggi account for 70% during Super Week.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: I see.
▶ Kim Young-ho: But frankly, I really don't understand the setup of this regional primary tour. We hold joint campaign speeches, right? People say the joint campaign speeches were done very well, but for those attending the joint campaign speeches, the voting has already ended.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Exactly. I heard it's done that way.
▶ Kim Young-ho: What meaning does that have? You should have joint campaign speeches, compare the candidates, and vote because someone speaks well or has a good philosophy. But the delegates and rights-holding party members are watching the joint campaign speeches after they have already completed voting.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Who structured it that way?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Didn't our former party leadership faction set it up?
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Former leader Jung Cheong-rae and...
▶ Kim Young-ho: People associated with them, party officials appointed by them set it up. On top of that, the regional primary tour started in former leader Jung Cheong-rae's hometown and then moved to Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam, where 'Nosamo' was most active. Traditionally, it moves up starting from Jeju, going through Gwangju, and heading up to the Seoul metropolitan area.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: The Democratic Party traditionally does it that way?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes. So former leader Jung Cheong-rae's side probably intended to win in his hometown at the start, and then in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam with many Nosamo members, riding that momentum to prepare for the national convention. But since he lost in his hometown, I see that plan as having encountered a setback.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: In any case, the method of voting first and then giving speeches rather than giving speeches and voting—what you described as a somewhat strange method—was also structured by former leader Jung Cheong-rae.
▶ Kim Young-ho: I cannot confirm that far, but some say it was done this way in the past as well. While I won't hold former leader Jung Cheong-rae responsible for that, I would like to say that party officials must improve this aspect.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: The proportion of rights-holding party members is high in Honam and the Seoul metropolitan area. Your constituency is in Seoul, and you served as the head of the Seoul City Chapter. Are you aiming for a major final comeback here in the capital, Seoul?
▶ Kim Young-ho: I plan to hit a grand slam. I am from Seoul and served as the city chapter head, so my recognition in Seoul is relatively high. Also, my official domicile is Jangseong, South Jeolla Province. My wife is from Iksan and graduated from Jeonju Girls' High School. So North Jeolla, South Jeolla, Gwangju, and Seoul.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: A complete trinity.
▶ Kim Young-ho: On top of that, for Incheon this week, Mayor Park Chan-dae of Incheon appointed me as Education Committee Chairman, and I also served as chief of staff to former leader Song Young-gil. So I have some expectations for Incheon as well.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: But this isn't necessarily ideal, yet the Supreme Council election currently seems framed entirely as pro-Chung vs. pro-Seok, right?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Before candidates running for office even state which faction they belong to, the media has already categorized everyone. Rights-holding party members view it that way too.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: However, there are evaluations that your factional line isn't distinctly pro-Chung or pro-Seok. That could actually be disadvantageous in an internal party election for the Supreme Council, couldn't it?
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's right. I actually thought of it as my strength, but during a national convention, it becomes very disadvantageous. In fact, right now, pro-Myung—since I served as former leader Song Young-gil's chief of staff, I get classified as pro-Song. In a way, the pro-Chung faction is definitely organized. But the pro-Myung faction is very close with both party leader candidates, Kim Min-seok and Song Young-gil. Lawmakers Seo Mi-hwa, Park Sun-won, and Lim Mi-ae all do live broadcasts together in former leader Song Young-gil's car and act together with Prime Minister Kim Min-seok. So this should be viewed as an alliance to block the consecutive term of the party establishment, the pro-Chung faction.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: So it becomes pro-Chung vs. anti-Chung?
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's how it's viewed.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Then you are anti-Chung?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes, I am. Throughout this national convention, I have consistently argued that I formed a strong alliance with Song Young-gil and Kim Min-seok to block the consecutive term of the party establishment.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: But there have been various incidents during the joint speech events, scenes that look frowning from the outside.
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's true.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: For example, yesterday during the Supreme Council candidate debate, you raised an issue regarding candidate Choi Min-hee calling you a 'bat' during last weekend's regional primary tour. The clip is circulating online, and I saw it too. In what context do you understand that remark was made? In the clip I saw, when you were speaking, the speech content wasn't very clear, but candidate Choi Min-hee turned her head to the right while standing next to you and said something like 'bat.'
▶ Kim Young-ho: I think she said it toward senior Lawmaker Park Sun-won, but I didn't hear it at the time because I was campaigning. I had just said in my speech, "I, Kim Young-ho, will ally with Song Young-gil and Kim Min-seok to stop the party establishment." Upon hearing that alliance with Kim Min-seok and Song Young-gil, she reacted.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Meaning flip-flopping back and forth.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Saying something like, "Isn't that double-dealing? That's a bat." What I pointed out during yesterday's TV debate was that this views everything through pure factionalism. Why is forming an alliance to block the pro-Chung faction's consecutive term considered a bat? So I asked: Do I sleep hanging from the ceiling? Do I have wings on my shoulders? Why am I a bat?
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Right.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yesterday, Lawmaker Choi Min-hee apologized to me. But what made me even angrier during the apology was her saying, "Oh, you heard that remark? Then I apologize." Meaning she apologized because I heard it, expressing a very 'Ilbe-style' attitude that if Lawmaker Kim Young-ho hadn't heard it, there would be no need to apologize. This is what truly constitutes Ilbe-style expression. Lawmaker Choi constantly refers to criticism from party members that she dislikes as 'Ilbe culture.'
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Calling a fellow lawmaker a 'bat,' disparaging and humiliating them like that—that is the real Ilbe culture. It seems Ilbe culture is ingrained in her. So during yesterday's TV debate, I said, "Ilbe culture is ingrained in you." I was really taken aback yesterday.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
▶ Kim Young-ho: At first, I accepted her apology, saying I respected it. But then she explained, "Since you heard it, Lawmaker, I apologize." Doesn't that mean if I hadn't heard it, she wouldn't apologize? I was deeply enraged.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Right.
▶ Kim Young-ho: So in my closing remarks yesterday, I emphasized why a three-term lawmaker must step forward: to prevent a Supreme Council from turning into a 'Bongsunga School,' to maintain balance, scold what needs scolding, discipline what needs disciplining, and use the authority of a three-term lawmaker to organize this leadership into a disciplined, united front capable of driving momentum to support the Lee Jae-myung administration's governance. Wow, it was really serious. Watching the TV debate, if our leadership is formed like this, we are in big trouble.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Three-term lawmakers—from a third term onwards, all parties view them as senior figures. Apart from you, most candidates now are first- or second-termers, or outside the National Assembly. If the leadership, excluding the party leader, were composed solely of first- or second-termers and outside members...
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: ...there could be confusion when Supreme Council members are formed. The term 'Bongsunga School' was used back in 2015 for the Democratic Party, right? Back when a Supreme Council member sang songs during meetings. Are you saying if the lineup is wrong, it could revert to those days when it was criticized as a 'Bongsunga School'?
▶ Kim Young-ho: The Supreme Council has two functions. First, it is a decision-making body. It can vote on all party issues. Second, every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday morning, all Supreme Council members deliver messages to the public. If people blurt out statements based on petty self-righteousness or personal convictions, the blood, sweat, and hard work of non-parliamentary chapter heads and senior party comrades suffering in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam instantly go down the drain.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: You're saying it's not a stage for self-serving politics.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Exactly. On top of that, it provides no support to non-parliamentary chapter heads struggling in the Han River Belt or Gangnam region. When I used the term 'Bongsunga School,' I meant that while any topic or discussion can take place, they must reach a consensus and deliver messages that move the public. If individuals blurt out whatever they want just to boost their own presence, we will inevitably lose the general election. Yesterday, I genuinely felt that if things continue like this, our party will face serious trouble. That's why I thought restraint, a unified 'one team,' and the leadership of a three-term lawmaker like me are necessary.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Since you describe yourself as anti-Chung, you are saying that candidates Kim Min-seok or Song Young-gil would be appropriate as party leader.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Since it is a preferential vote, my first choice is 1, second choice is 2, and former leader Jung Cheong-rae is definitely choice 3 for me.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Supposing the leader is elected, the Supreme Council must also be formed. Right now, supporters of the so-called pro-Chung candidates—Choi Min-hee, Lee Sung-yoon, and Han Min-soo—are systematically encouraging voting based on birth dates, like grouping numbers 1, 4, 7, or 5, 8. If all three pro-Chung candidates enter the leadership, do you see the leadership turning completely into a 'Bongsunga School'?
▶ Kim Young-ho: It's not just a 'Bongsunga School'—if Jung Cheong-rae becomes leader again, it might look disciplined. However, if Kim Min-seok or Song Young-gil becomes party leader and a majority of pro-Chung candidates enter the Supreme Council, we won't be able to move forward a single step. They will hold back everything.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Right.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Here is my view. Suppose Jung Cheong-rae becomes party leader and I become a Supreme Council member. I know former leader Jung Cheong-rae's shortcomings very well—too closed in management. Once a party leader is elected by party members and the public, regardless of differences, we must complement the leader's shortcomings.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Rather than opposing unconditionally?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Exactly. If former leader Jung Cheong-rae is elected party leader this time, I intend to actively complement his weaknesses and shortcomings to build a winning Democratic Party. But I think those three candidates view things differently.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: For instance, if Kim Min-seok becomes leader and Han Min-soo, Choi Min-hee, and Lee Sung-yoon become Supreme Council members, they will hold the party leader back at every turn?
▶ Kim Young-ho: It's a combination I don't even want to think about.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: That much?
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: The Democratic Party needs to be 'one team.'
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's right.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Supporters often say they are worried about what happens after the national convention.
▶ Kim Young-ho: I am not evaluating those three pro-Chung candidates on a personal level, but saying they need flexibility. Even if there are slight differences with candidate Kim Min-seok, respect must be given where respect is due. During the last national convention, I strongly criticized the party establishment, but the name 'Jung Cheong-rae' was never mentioned in my campaign speeches. I referred to them collectively as the 'party establishment.' I view that as courtesy toward a former party leader.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
▶ Kim Young-ho: But those candidates come out and directly mention the names Kim Min-seok and Song Young-gil. I wonder if that is truly the language of comrades. I criticize former leader Jung Cheong-rae's management of the party, not his character as a person. One should maintain such courtesy. When a new leadership is formed, there will naturally be differing opinions and fierce debate, but even within debate, there should be affection and a mindset of being 'one team' to find consensus and become one. But I am concerned we might get a leadership lacking that flexibility.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Listening to you, while rights-holding members, core members, and hard-line supporters are important, you seem to pay a lot of attention to non-parliamentary chapter heads and supporters struggling in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam and the Han River Belt.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Even President Lee Jae-myung—though I haven't had a one-on-one meeting with him—is currently expanding the party's reach and broadening support among moderates. This is to build a winning Democratic Party.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: There is also talk of a structural majority.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes. What good is winning only in Honam and Seoul? If we cannot win in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam or the Han River Belt, we cannot become the majority party. That's why we must broaden moderate support and expand our reach. Currently, writer Rhyu Si-min continues to point out the clarity of our reformism. I believe that was the reason for the Uri Party's failure back then. Once you become the ruling party, you must offer stability and embrace the entire public, but competing over internal reform lines and ideological clarity eventually caused self-destruction and shipwreck. Consequently, they failed to retain power. Now, we must prepare for the general election with messages that move and inspire hope among party comrades and citizens in Busan-Ulsan-Gyeongnam and the Han River Belt.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: On a related issue, the Criminal Procedure Act amendment passed, completely abolishing the prosecution's investigative authority without granting supplementary investigative authority.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Will that be alright? Because while I won't cite exact numbers, as you know, public opinion expresses more concern—meaning there is more opposition.
▶ Kim Young-ho: That's correct. Those who argue that supplementary investigative authority should be maintained—I believe the prosecution used incidents like the Busan roundhouse kick case and the recent murder of a high school girl in Gwangju as pretexts to instill fear in the public. However, that also helped us. Because when amending the Criminal Procedure Act, taking those points into account, we strengthened the right to request reinvestigations and the right to demand investigations from the police. Therefore, by strengthening those control measures over the police, from the Moon Jae-in administration through the Yoon Suk-yeol administration, the prosecution did not conduct direct investigations for everyday crime, but exercised its right to demand investigations from the police.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
▶ Kim Young-ho: But then the Lee Jae-myung administration took office, and as the administration increased the intensity of prosecutorial reform, the prosecution conducted direct investigations to highlight various weaknesses of the police. In any case, people don't trust either the prosecution or the police. So from now on, we must control the police well, and I think the role of investigative prosecutors who leave the prosecution for the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency is crucial. These veteran investigative prosecutors should join the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency to support police investigative capabilities where they fell short, and if done right, I believe we can create a new criminal investigation system.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Understood. Let's touch upon one final issue. The real estate tax reform plan came out yesterday. We won't go into detail on exact numbers, but in any case, the government describes it as 'normalization,' while the opposition calls it a practical tax hike. Either way, taxpayer burdens will be higher than before.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Yes.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: There are predictions that politically, this won't be very good for the Democratic Party, particularly around the Han River Belt. Perhaps that's why the Democratic Party didn't release a statement yesterday. How do you view this, given that you have to run in the general election?
▶ Kim Young-ho: This is precisely what party-government-presidential relations are about. The government—that is, the Presidential Office—prepares a tax reform plan, and when it comes to the ruling party, we are the ones who understand public sentiment well. So regarding various tax revenue issues proposed by the government and presidential office, the ruling party should adjust them to meet the expectations of the public.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Yes.
▶ Kim Young-ho: That is what party-government-presidential unification means. So if there are areas where we need to convince the government, we should persuade them to create a tax reform plan through the ruling party that the public can accept and understand, even with tax revisions. We must craft that and convince the government again.
▷ Kim Tae-hyun: Understood. We will end today's interview here. We have been speaking with Lawmaker Kim Young-ho, running as a candidate for the Democratic Party Supreme Council at the national convention. Thank you.
▶ Kim Young-ho: Thank you.
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※ Please note: This article was translated by AI and may contain errors.
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