Video
- Neither Kim Seung-won nor PPP Managed to Build Public Consensus
- Why Hold a Confirmation Hearing Drowned in Tears and Outnumbered?
- Kim Seung-won's Tear Show: What Does "Tears Shed Because I Missed Ms. Yang" Mean?
- "Didn't Know Because I Was a Humanities Major"? Why Intervene in New Drug Approval?
- PPP's Offensive Lost Firepower Without Han Dong-hoon as Main Cannon
- Despite Friction, Han Should Have Been Temporarily Assigned to the Committee
- If Kim Seung-won Is Appointed, Dismissal of Indictments and Party Dissolution Will Follow
- It Was a Crucial Moment to Rally Opposition Firepower, but They Failed
- Jang Dong-hyeok Criticized Han Dong-hoon's Expulsion... Showed Less Hostility
- Outdoor Rallies? Lee's Approval Rating Dropping, Now Is an Opportunistic Moment
■ Broadcast: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 – 9:00 AM)
■ Date: Wednesday, September 16, 2026
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Kim Sung-tae, Former People Power Party Lawmaker
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Who made him angry today, and over what? Joining us on Wednesday is "Angry Sung-tae," former People Power Party lawmaker Kim Sung-tae. Hello, former lawmaker.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Hello, I am Kim Sung-tae.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I suspect you were not very happy this week either. What remarks, scenes, people, or actions made you the angriest this time?
[Kim Sung-tae]: Watching the confirmation hearing process yesterday, the public had a very high level of interest in yesterday's hearing.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Furthermore, President Lee Jae-myung's state administration approval ratings are currently hitting rock bottom. In that respect, while Yong Hye-in was dropped from consideration, the public's focus is now moving straight to how nominee Kim Seung-won will be handled as the Justice Minister nominee.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Despite such high public interest, nominee Kim Seung-won failed to provide a single proper explanation at yesterday's hearing. Moreover, from the perspective of the main opposition People Power Party, they failed to produce hearing results that could elicit public consensus with more specific substance on why Kim Seung-won should not become the Minister of Justice, beyond facts already revealed. As a result, this morning's daily newspapers called it a "toothless hearing."
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: So why even hold a hearing at such a critical juncture, only for the results to end up drowned in tears, overwhelmed by sheer numbers, and constrained by personal connections? That is why I feel quite angry about this.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Then from the ruling party's perspective, the Democratic Party or nominee Kim Seung-won had no choice but to build an ironclad defense line, didn't they?
[Kim Sung-tae]: That is right, they set up an ironclad defense line and devised a lot of strategies in their own way. But my point is, why put on a tear show there? If nominee Kim Seung-won shed those tears thinking about his wife and child who dedicate themselves to a center for children with developmental disabilities, saying he teared up because he missed them just does not make sense. If he wanted to show genuine tears coming from the bottom of his heart to the public yesterday, he should have said, "I sincerely reflect on my past conduct with Ms. Yang, which inevitably gave rise to improper perceptions, and apologize to the public. I ask the people to judge whether someone like me should be appointed Minister of Justice. Through today's hearing, I will tell the substantive truth as it is regarding all the suspicions that have been raised." That is how he should have approached it. And when did Committee Chair Seo Young-kyo ever show such humane consideration for the opposition and shed tears out of being moved by someone else's story just because he cried?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: One of the various factors dragging down President Lee Jae-myung's approval rating is the arrogant attitude of the dominant legislative and ruling bloc, epitomized by the way Legislation and Judiciary Committee Chair Seo Young-kyo presides over meetings. All of these are factors pulling down the approval ratings. Yet yesterday, they put on that tear show in what looked like a coordinated act. Do they really think the public will sympathize with that?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: The scene that drew the most attention yesterday was indeed the tears between nominee Kim Seung-won and Committee Chair Seo Young-kyo. In terms of answers, it was probably this point: the controversy over Genencell's alleged animal test manipulation, which was raised by People Power Party lawmaker Kim Min-jeon. The nominee's response to this was, "I was a humanities major. I cannot know about things like the efficacy of treatments." Then after the hearing concluded, he issued an explanatory statement. Yesterday, he restated his stance: "My earlier remark about being a humanities major was by no means intended to evade responsibility. It meant that due to my lack of expertise in the relevant field, I was unable to examine the details more carefully." That was how he responded. How did you interpret his answer that he was a humanities major and therefore did not know well?
[Kim Sung-tae]: If he is someone who studied humanities and social sciences and only looked at law books, why did he intervene in the procedure of seeking approval for clinical trials of a new drug involving such people? It is because he thought that an older brother and younger sister in that strange relationship could pursue private economic interests, even when he was not even on the competent Health and Welfare Committee in the National Assembly. How special were his feelings toward Ms. Yang that he directly called the Minister of Food and Drug Safety to ask for swift processing, resulting in clinical trial approval being granted within just two weeks? Yet the lab mice given that new drug vomited blood and died, and the pharmaceutical company hid this while administering it to 93 people, didn't they? As a result of nominee Kim's solicitation, a drug that killed mice was administered into human bodies. And while he claimed there was nothing unusual about his petition to the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety and that it was for the public interest, officials across many pharmaceutical companies in South Korea are now saying, "I wish I had an older brother like Kim Seung-won."
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Former lawmaker, all the People Power Party members on the Legislation and Judiciary Committee yesterday are your junior politicians, aren't they?
[Kim Sung-tae]: That is correct.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: From your perspective as a former People Power Party floor leader, did you find the offensive capability of the PPP committee members yesterday somewhat lacking?
[Kim Sung-tae]: It is like this. From the opposition's standpoint, especially under a government where the ruling party holds a majority and when fighting against the ruling bloc, as I mentioned earlier, they were hopelessly outnumbered in seats on the Legislation and Judiciary Committee. When five PPP members spoke, nearly double that number in the broader ruling bloc shielded and defended Kim Seung-won. How could the opposition's voice properly appeal to the public under those circumstances? Another crucial point is that the vetting of nominee Kim Seung-won at this hearing was built on revelations from independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon. Launching an attack without those revelations—that is, without the main cannon—inevitably loses that much power.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Then what do you think should have been done?
[Kim Sung-tae]: That is why demonstrating political savvy is so critical at times like this.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: "If I were the floor leader, I would have done this."
[Kim Sung-tae]: If I were the floor leader, here is what I would have done. Even if conditions within the People Power Party politically do not allow for reconciliation and cooperation between independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon and many current party members, resulting in friction and distrust, look at the Justice Minister position under the Lee Jae-myung administration. Who is this nominee? He is the representative lawmaker of the gathering of 105 lawmakers seeking the dismissal of indictments to erase President Lee Jae-myung's legal risks. With them trying to make such a person the Minister of Justice, the entire opposition bloc should have united by any means to counter this. Since Han Dong-hoon built up that main cannon first, isn't the People Power Party the stronghold of the main opposition? Isn't it the center of the main opposition? Normally, reassigning committee seats among independent lawmakers is easy, but who among independent lawmakers would simply hand over a seat to Han Dong-hoon? There is no one.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: At a time like this, the People Power Party should have temporarily withdrawn one of its committee members to reassign Han Dong-hoon to the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, showing the public that the opposition bloc was aligning forces in this way. Only then would the public feel the desperation—that the opposition is truly united in cooperation to prevent nominee Kim Seung-won from being seated as minister. That is where public trust, media attention, and the direction of public opinion hinge upon the hearing results. Why didn't they take such a political action? Even if National Assembly Speaker Cho Jeong-sik would not have easily allowed it, and even if it was obvious he might refuse such a political move—
[Kim Tae-hyun]: They still should have attempted it?
[Kim Sung-tae]: They still should have done it. Why couldn't they do something like that? I found that truly regrettable. Is Floor Leader Jeong Jeom-sik someone who does not know such procedures under the National Assembly Act?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. But the hearing has ended for now. Most observers in the media seem to believe the president will likely make the appointment. Lawmaker Han Dong-hoon previously said, "This is a crossroads of history. If he is appointed, the Lee Jae-myung administration will only worsen. Three years is long. The Lee Jae-myung government will fall. The public will take to the streets." What are your thoughts on this?
[Kim Sung-tae]: From President Lee Jae-myung's perspective, Yong Hye-in was a sacrifice card, and for Kim Seung-won, party leader Kim Min-seok had practically already issued guidelines stating that the more you look at him, the better the appointment seems. Moreover, the party leader personally stepped forward on Min TV, demonstrating his conviction and resolve to protect Kim Seung-won.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: That is why, since last week, not a single Democratic Party lawmaker has hesitated to form an organized shield to defend Kim Seung-won. In this situation, with Seo Young-kyo chairing the Legislation and Judiciary Committee and the Democratic Party holding an overwhelming majority of seats on the committee, along with Rebuilding Korea Party and independent lawmakers all aligned with the broader ruling bloc, there is no way the hearing confirmation report would not be adopted. There is no reason for President Lee Jae-myung to reject it. Then it proceeds straight to the appointment process. At that point, there is already public anxiety over public safety seen in cases like the disappearance of Ms. Jang Mi-ran in Jeju and the murder of a female high school student in Gwangju—questions about whether the South Korean police can truly protect people's lives and livelihoods. Ever since the abolition of supplementary investigation authority, there has been an immense sense of crisis. Yet now, the Minister of Justice, who is at the core of legal administration, is someone whose primary political agenda is the dismissal of President Lee Jae-myung's indictments. Furthermore, he has declared that he will hold independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon strictly accountable for attacking him with materials allegedly leaked illegally from prosecutors' cabinets during the hearing process.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Kim Sung-tae]: In addition, once the first-trial verdict for former floor leader Choo Kyung-ho is delivered, they will look to see whether requirements for a constitutional petition to dissolve an unconstitutional party are met, and build a case around that. Thus, various political intentions to ultimately dissolve the main opposition People Power Party are embedded in this. How public opinion will respond to this moving forward—I think it will not be easy for them.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: What do you mean by not easy?
[Kim Sung-tae]: I mean public opinion could worsen further. That is why during yesterday's hearing, even if the main opposition People Power Party had many long-standing conflicts,
[Kim Tae-hyun]: It should have been an opportunity to resolve them.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Exactly. I spent 23 years in the labor union movement. Within union members, there is originally immense conflict and division as well. But when launching a strike, confronting a company, or fighting against the government, they go through a process of becoming one through that fight. What matters right now is that the Lee Jae-myung administration's arbitrariness, high-handedness, legislative dominance, and the Democratic Party's tyranny must all be overturned and set right by becoming the largest party in the next general election. From that perspective, rallying the opposition bloc's firepower around the issue of Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won was, in my personal view, an extremely important turning point.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: But they failed to do so.
[Kim Sung-tae]: They failed.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Because party leader Jang Dong-hyeok went to Olympic Park. Of course, he made many remarks regarding nominee Kim Seung-won at the Supreme Council and wrote posts on Facebook, but he went to Olympic Park, beat a drum, and received a 100-day cake.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Well, he went to Olympic Park, but from leader Jang Dong-hyeok's perspective, I think he harbored less hostility toward Han Dong-hoon so far. After all, when it came to suspending lawmaker Han Dong-hoon's qualifications and party rights for one year, party leader Jang Dong-hyeok stepped forward to strongly criticize and keep that in check. We should give credit where credit is due for those actions.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Recently, reports emerged that the People Power Party filed rally notifications for the entire month of September. It seems they are preparing for something. In other words, they are ready to take their fight to the streets if necessary.
[Kim Sung-tae]: It is true that the current political situation and landscape are heading that way. After the Democratic Party's August 17 national convention, if President Lee Jae-myung advocated a moderate, pragmatic government and picked Kim Min-seok to back that up so he became party leader, he should have continued moving toward a government of national unity. Instead, this person made a complete reversal. He had not catered to the left wing for a while, but then in reshuffling six ministers, he accommodated them all, resulting in a party-presidential atmosphere catering to hardline Democratic Party supporters. In that sense, a shift toward bipartisan cooperation or an integrative approach to governing will not happen as the administration reverted to its old governing stance. In that case, the only path available to the opposition is to view President Lee Jae-myung's falling approval ratings—which have dropped to the 10% range among people in their 20s—as an undeniable opportune moment. (According to a Realmeter automated response survey commissioned by Energy Economy News and conducted from September 7 to 11 among adults aged 18 and older nationwide, positive evaluations of President Lee's state administration stood at 33.8%. By age group, support among those aged 18 to 29 dropped 10.2 percentage points from the previous week to 18.6%. For details, refer to the National Election Survey Deliberation Committee website.)
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. We will conclude here today. That was former lawmaker Kim Sung-tae of "Angry Sung-tae." Thank you.
[Kim Sung-tae]: Thank you.
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