[Joo Young-jin's News Briefing]

When quoting this interview, please explicitly cite the program name 'SBS <Joo Young-jin's News Briefing>'. Copyright belongs to SBS.

■ Broadcast: SBS <Joo Young-jin's News Briefing> Mon–Fri (14:00–15:20)
■ Host: Anchor Joo Young-jin
■ Guest: Song Young-gil, Candidate for Democratic Party Leader
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● Interview with Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil

"Jung Chung-rae, whose 'National Agenda No. 1' is ending insurrection, is he spiritually the leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party?"
"Jung Chung-rae lost the election but claims a mental victory... Running was unreasonable"
"Jung Chung-rae had no one-on-one meeting with President Lee during his tenure as party leader"
"Jung Chung-rae's attitude is dishonest... Lying to justify his candidacy"
"Rift among party members will heal after the election... No concern of a party split"
"Compared to the past, this leadership debate has dignity"
"Acceleration of approval rating drop as party and presidential office differ on evaluating June 3 local elections"
"Democratic Party approval rating will rise 10–15% if leadership changes"
"Drop in president's approval rating is a good thing... We received an early vaccine"
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[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: We have been conducting a series of interviews with candidates for Democratic Party leader, and today we interview our final candidate, Song Young-gil. Welcome.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Hello.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: We meet again just a day after yesterday's final debate. You seem to have talked a lot over the past day as well. What did people who watched the final debate tell you?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I think everyone said I did well.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: What specific parts did they say you did well on?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: National Agenda No. 50.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Wasn't that something candidate Jung Chung-rae did well, asking about National Agenda No. 50?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Did he do well?

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: When candidate Jung Chung-rae asked what Agenda No. 50 was, you said, "I brought it with me, let me look it up," and he countered by saying, "You don't know it either, just like me."

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: It's embarrassing. For the leader of the ruling party to not know National Agenda No. 1 and then ask about No. 50—to use kids' slang, it's petty and embarrassing, isn't it? But he said he wasn't embarrassed. The point isn't whether it's Agenda No. 50 or No. 90; what's important are the five major national goals, and he didn't even know those.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Yes, you mentioned those five goals yesterday.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: He just glossed over them vaguely. Regardless of whether one knows them or not, under the Moon Jae-in administration, the No. 1 task was liquidating deep-seated evils. But under the Lee Jae-myung administration, we shouldn't just keep shouting about liquidating deep-seated evils. Ending insurrection should simply be carried out quietly according to judicial procedures, whereas the nation's top national goal is politics that unites the people. The No. 1 agenda item under that goal has symbolic significance in unifying the regional split between Youngnam and Honam and ending Cold War-style regionalism by enshrining the spirit of the May 18 Democratic Uprising in the Constitution. For both the ruling and opposition parties to agree on the May 18 spirit in our Democratic Republic of Korea as a legal community holds immense significance. Currently, only the March 1st Movement and April 19 Revolution are included. If I were party leader and this was the No. 1 national agenda, as soon as I became leader, I would have shaken hands with Representative Jang Dong-hyeok and met with him. Even former President Yoon Suk Yeol agreed to enshrining the May 18 spirit in the Constitution at the time. Yet no such effort was seen at all. Rather, since the Rebuilding Korea Party's No. 1 pledge was ending insurrection, it feels as though candidate Jung Chung-rae was spiritually the leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party, not the Democratic Party.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Not the Democratic Party leader. Is that why you said candidate Jung Chung-rae shouldn't have run this time?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: For various reasons. First, if someone is going to run, it should be based on an evaluation of the results of the recent elections—the most important local elections and 14 by-elections, which were on par with a mini-general election. Because the results fell short, he should step down. Even if a leader did well, Democratic Party tradition does not allow consecutive terms. So even if he did well, it wouldn't be allowed, let alone when he did poorly. Yet he is claiming he did well and won. Out of the 14 by-elections, we lost four seats: Kim Sang-wook in Ulsan Nam-gu Gap, Jeon Jae-soo's district in Buk-gu Gap, Park Soo-hyun's South Chungcheong Governor district, and Pyeongtaek. We lost four seats, but he claims a victory of 9 to 3 to 1. That's just claiming a mental victory based on his criteria. That's why I said his running was unreasonable, that he should take a rest. Moreover, his relationship with the president isn't good, so why does he keep trying to run? And to lie about it, unreasonable statements come out—like saying he has a good relationship with President Lee Jae-myung, making unverified claims as if they meet privately.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: When candidate Jung Chung-rae addressed that, he said that conversations from meeting the president are top secret and asked how else he could talk about it. So candidate Jung was responding to your statement in a media interview suggesting President Lee Jae-myung does not like candidate Jung.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: As far as I know, Party Leader Jung Chung-rae and President Lee Jae-myung have never held a one-on-one meeting. A meeting between the leader of the ruling party and the president is always made public. What reason would there be to meet in secret? Isn't that right? Even if cameras leave during the conversation, keeping the meeting itself secret is impossible when a party leader meets the president. No such meeting has ever been made public or reported in the news.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Regarding the evaluation of the results of the local elections and parliamentary by-elections, you mentioned it in a media interview this morning. Candidate Jung Chung-rae said the party, government, and presidential office coordinated with each other, and that's why he, as leader, stated that the public delivered a victory. But in yesterday's final debate, didn't he say, "Why would I communicate with the government? Communication is between the party and the presidential office"? You are accusing him of changing his story, but from candidate Jung's perspective, he doesn't seem to attach huge significance to whether it's "party-government-presidential office" or "party-presidential office"; he seems to mean there was communication between the party and the presidential office. How do you evaluate that?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: You defend him very well. Party-government-presidential office and party-presidential office are clearly different. He clearly said "party-government-presidential office." If he had said, "I think I misspoke when I said party-government-presidential office; party-presidential office is correct," that could be understood. But now he claims he said "party-presidential office" all along. That means he either didn't remember or is lying, especially when the previous video is preserved on record. That shows a dishonest attitude, and it's impossible that such a conversation took place between the party and the presidential office. If it did, what is this, the Kremlin? An official statement should have come from the presidential office—from a spokesperson or senior secretary for political affairs—stating that they framed the result as a victory. Party Leader Jung Chung-rae might have unilaterally told someone like the senior political secretary, "I will define this as a victory and present it to our party." What could the senior secretary say? "Don't do that"? Taking a phone call that was hung up on and claiming that unilateral notification was an agreement between the party and presidential office, or party-government-presidential office, contradicts the facts. And in any case, the president publicly...

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Right.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: ...stated that through this, the public gave us a warning, and he even apologized. Since then, there has been no official change in position. So what does it mean to speak like this now? It's dishonest. Why is candidate Jung Chung-rae so obsessed with this? Two reasons. First, if this was a failed election, he has no justification for running. Second, directly contradicting the president's perception while claiming to protect Lee Jae-myung creates a logical contradiction. So he is resorting to unreasonable lies to rationalize it. That's what I think.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: In your view, candidate Song, author Rhyu Si-min has been quiet recently, but early on right before the party convention started, he repeatedly said in media interviews that President Lee Jae-myung's choice would not succeed and would fail. Candidate Jung Chung-rae ran for office, and Rhyu made no comment on that. You criticized that quite strongly in joint speeches. Is there a certain movement behind this? Among traditional party members and politicians in the Democratic Party who pride themselves on being legitimate tradition-bearers, is there an atmosphere drawing a line against the so-called 'New Lee Jae-myung' group that joined recently while sharing views with Rhyu Si-min and Jung Chung-rae, questioning whether they are part of the same Democratic Party? How do you assess this?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I think such an atmosphere exists. That's why candidate Jung Chung-rae is getting a substantial number of votes. But feeling it myself, after President Roh Moo-hyun was elected in 2002, the pro-Roh and pro-Moon factions dominated the Democratic Party for 20 years. Throughout that, President Lee Jae-myung was always marginalized by that mainstream. He was thoroughly excluded, and they tried to eliminate Lee Jae-myung through Representative Lee Nak-yon, whom they were pushing. But then I, Song Young-gil, emerged and became party leader. At first, the Lee Nak-yon side asked to set up a candidate verification committee to try to remove Lee Jae-myung using the Daejang-dong case. But I stood firm, held the center, blocked that, and selected Lee Jae-myung as the presidential candidate through a fair primary.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: That was during the 2022 presidential election.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: That's right. Although there was controversy, not everyone worked hard. Some appeared to practically wish for his defeat. In fact, while Lee Nak-yon served as standing campaign chief, his chief of staff defected to support Yoon Suk Yeol. Seeing such phenomena, there were clearly forces that hoped for Lee Jae-myung's defeat. And as soon as he lost, they tried to force party leader Song Young-gil to resign and seize party leadership. But I vacated Gyeyang-gu, allowing President Lee Jae-myung to become a member of the National Assembly representing Gyeyang-gu...

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: I remember.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: ...and protect himself against prosecution suppression, eventually enabling him to become party leader. Thinking back on the past four years, it was dramatic. I believe forces that try to exclude and disparage the president still exist even after he became president.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: I saw a political cartoon in The Hankyoreh that called this convention a 'party split convention' rather than a 'party national convention.' Leaving aside the candidate pledges to actively support whoever is elected leader, doubts naturally arise over whether the divide or rift among Democratic Party members can truly be healed.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: It will be healed.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Will it be healed?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I believe so. Some party members simply don't understand right now. They mistakenly believe candidate Jung Chung-rae is the person to protect Lee Jae-myung. Once this ends, won't it be revealed? Then things will be resolved. In any case, the vast majority of our Democratic Party members—whether they support candidate Jung Chung-rae, Song Young-gil, or Kim Min-seok—want the Lee Jae-myung administration to succeed. A small group of highly politically active individuals, like author Rhyu Si-min, might wish for the Lee Jae-myung administration to fall and pour out curses due to dissatisfaction. But the vast majority of ordinary members supporting candidate Jung Chung-rae wish for the Lee Jae-myung administration's success. They supported candidate Jung or the trio because they claimed they would protect Lee Jae-myung, with candidate Han Min-soo saying, "I have a dream for the success of the Lee Jae-myung administration." If a new leadership is elected and they refuse to cooperate, adopting an anti-leadership, anti-Lee Jae-myung stance, they will face extinction. They will fade away like a second Lee Nak-yon, so there is absolutely no need to worry about a party split. That is what I think.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Are you confident about that?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Yes.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: I see. You don't seem to criticize candidate Kim Min-seok as strongly, though?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: That's true.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Why is that?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: At this stage, I believe that if Jung Chung-rae serves another term, it will be hard for the Democratic Party. I told you, there is no reason for him to serve a second term. Everything is done. I kept asking why he ran. But he ran anyway. So if party members don't resolve this, the Lee Jae-myung administration will enter a lame-duck state. That's not just my claim; People Power Party supporters are saying the same thing. Representative Ahn Cheol-soo even publicly supported candidate Jung Chung-rae, virtually wishing for the Lee Jae-myung administration to quickly become a lame duck and collapse.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Representative Ahn Cheol-soo?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Ahn Cheol-soo even declared public support. Same for Jang Dong-hyeok and Representative Kwon Young-se. How much must they be secretly praying for Jung Chung-rae to win? In fact, 40% of People Power Party supporters back Jung Chung-rae for party leader. I have 7%.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Looking at your results up to last week, candidate Song, you are in the 9% range, slightly under 10%, yet you look bright. Is it because 71% of votes in Honam and the capital region remain, giving reason for hope? Or are you cheerful because the message you want to convey in running for leadership is reaching voters effectively, and you consider that a meaningful achievement?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Both. Becoming party leader is the fundamental goal of running. Second, even if I don't win, the convention for the ruling party's leadership is watched by the entire nation, so it should present a vision for the country and policy alternatives.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Right.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: But that aspect was weak. Even today, I held a press conference to announce policies.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Today Representative Kim So-hee said that was the one thing candidate Song Young-gil did best.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I kept steering the debate in that direction. Of course, the media always criticizes party conventions for devolving into negative campaigning, but isn't this debate dignified and substantive? Compared to previous conventions, heavyweights are participating, and I believe people recognize that.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: You are both part of the '86 Generation'—comrades who attended university in the 1980s and fought against the dictatorship in the democratization movement—now competing for the leadership of the ruling party. Thinking about that and looking back 40 years, how does it feel? Yet right now, you are criticizing candidate Jung Chung-rae sharply. In that sense, it must also feel painful.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Indeed. This isn't personal criticism; it's that this trend must be overcome. Although I come from the student movement, I did not join the Minpyeongryeon (Democracy and Peace Union). We must break free from the student movement framework that needs to overcome the 'old left paradigm' and evolve. That is why I advocated for the South Korea-U.S. FTA, led the campaign for domestic stock ownership, called for expanding pension fund investments in stocks, urged pacing the nuclear phase-out, and raised the comprehensive real estate tax and capital gains tax thresholds from 900 million won to 1.2 billion won. I, Song Young-gil, have consistently strived to uphold the practical spirit of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, which I believe aligns with Lee Jae-myung. And as you know, back then, most Democratic Party lawmakers opposed the South Korea-U.S. FTA, while I strongly supported it.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: I remember.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I served as special committee chairman and actively pushed for it.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Some even went on hunger strikes in opposition.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: And the spearhead of that opposition was Representative Jung Chung-rae. He was the person who called for my expulsion from the party for supporting the South Korea-U.S. FTA. Is it not problematic for such a person to become the leader of the ruling party in a global Korea?

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Candidate Kim Min-seok highly praised you, saying candidate Song Young-gil studies extensively.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: I appreciate those kind words.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Yesterday during the 'Let's Praise' question segment, was that prepared in advance or was it your usual thought?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: It was my usual thought.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: That candidate Jung Chung-rae, as chairman of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, isn't even a legal professional, yet...

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Among former student activists, we jokingly refer to someone as a 'Manchurian lawyer'—meaning one learns the law by personally going through criminal procedures.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: So when you were imprisoned during the student movement, you had to learn criminal procedure yourself—that's what you mean. Now, regarding how the Democratic Party should support the Lee Jae-myung administration's governance after this convention to make it successful—I understand your point, but let me ask this. In today's NBS poll, the president's approval rating fell to the 40% range for the first time, marking a new low. Let me share the specifics as I ask this question. Please show the graphic prepared on screen. President Lee Jae-myung's governance approval rating shows 49% approval and 43% disapproval. Although they haven't crossed over, disapproval rose to the 40s for the first time, and approval dropped into the 40s. Conducted between August 10 and 12 using 100% wireless phone interviews—details are available on the National Election Survey Deliberation Commission website. Why has the trend turned downward, what is your diagnosis, and how can it be turned around? Will it rise after the convention?

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: First, when a party loses an election, that effect occurs. The losing side's approval rating falls further, while the winning side's rises. In the recent local elections and by-elections, although we won on paper, public opinion holds that we lost in substance. The president's view and my view are the same, and approval dropped. However, candidate Jung Chung-rae and his supporters hold the opposite view, causing internal party conflict that accelerates the decline in approval ratings rather than stopping it. That's the first reason. Second is real estate and stocks. Due to leveraged ETFs, about 50 trillion won evaporated for retail investors. This caused a sense of deprivation. Regarding real estate policy, supply is delayed and tax issues are sensitive...

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: Tax reform.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Discontent over those issues accumulated to cause this. If new leadership takes over rather than a Jung Chung-rae leadership—if Song Young-gil becomes leader, I expect approval will immediately rise by 15%, and if Kim Min-seok becomes leader, by 10%. I think the drop in the president's approval rating is actually a very good thing. The reason is that one can become arrogant. I believe getting an early vaccine is necessary. What I trust is that President Lee Jae-myung is someone who learns constantly and isn't stubborn. He can immediately accept shifts in public opinion and has the capacity to adapt. So he will embrace this change positively. President Lee Jae-myung's fundamental mindset is, "I am a servant. I am a servant serving my master, and if the master's public sentiment changes, a servant follows." That's his philosophy, and that is why I trust him.

[Anchor Joo Young-jin]: I see. That was our interview with Democratic Party candidate Song Young-gil. We do not know what the convention result will be, but we hope to have another opportunity to interview you after the convention. Thank you for speaking with us.

[Democratic Party Leadership Candidate Song Young-gil]: Thank you.