- Chairperson Seo Young-kyo? Only slightly better than Choo Mi-ae
- DP's unilateral formation of the National Assembly is erasing the opposition's reason for existence
- They want the opposition to just pretend to exist; we must wage an ultra-hardline struggle
- The 'Three Mega Projects' are for the party convention; a parliamentary investigation is needed
- The corporations' decisions do not seem rational; they were coerced
- Bowing to SK and Samsung? In reality, it is breaking their backs
- Blue House proposing a golf meeting to PPP heavyweights? Suspected of trying to dilute the issue
- There are many ways to communicate other than golf; they should have conceded the Legislation and Judiciary Committee
- Disciplining lawmakers who supported Han Dong-hoon? Disciplinary politics is not desirable
- There is a consensus that this is a time when fighting the ruling party is more necessary than discipline
 
■ Broadcast: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 – 9:00)
■ Date: July 2, 2026 (Thursday)
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Rep. Na Kyung-won, People Power Party
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: As the Democratic Party has unilaterally elected 11 standing committee chairs, the People Power Party appears to be formulating its response strategy. Meanwhile, caution is being raised within the People Power Party regarding Representative Jang Dong-hyeok's so-called "disciplinary politics." Let's examine the challenges facing the People Power Party inside and out with Representative Na Kyung-won. Hello, Representative.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Hello.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, first of all, you are not going to the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Yes. I have already said that I will not go to the Legislation and Judiciary Committee this time. I told our leadership. We apply for standing committees. I don't know which committee I will be assigned to these days, but while the Legislation and Judiciary Committee is of course the most important gatekeeper and there is a lot of work to do, and there are things I should do there, I feel that other issues—such as power supply issues related to semiconductor investments in the Honam region and labor issues—are extremely important right now. I have applied for the Climate, Energy, Environment, and Labor Committee, but I don't know how it will turn out.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Because electing the standing committee chairs is also an issue, and it's a mess right now.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Yes.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Now the Democratic Party has taken 11 committees. I heard that the People Power Party is holding a general meeting of lawmakers today to discuss countermeasures. What are you thinking about right now?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: The problem is not that the Democratic Party took 11 standing committee chairs. The number is not the issue; the issue is that they held onto the chair of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee until the very end. As you know, the long-standing practice of our National Assembly—which we call the customary law of the Assembly—was to split the Speaker of the National Assembly and the chair of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee. If you look closely at our Constitution, the National Assembly has a great deal of power. But why was such a Constitution possible? Ultimately, in 1988, power was given to the National Assembly to check the imperial presidency, under the assumption that there would still be checks and balances between the ruling and opposition parties within the Assembly. That is why power was given to the National Assembly, and to maintain checks and balances between the ruling and opposition parties, they split the Speaker and the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair. The National Assembly was a place where the ruling and opposition parties made arduous efforts and spent a long time to reach an agreement, rather than relying solely on majority rule. But they are completely breaking that. That is why they took the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair to the end.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: And then, yesterday, did the President only meet with the ruling party leadership? Looking at what came out of that meeting, it was mind-boggling. They basically declared, "If you want to take the remaining seven committees, go ahead, but we are going to do whatever we want," and announced they would run the fast-track process even faster.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: They said they would amend that, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: And then they are going to completely neutralize the filibuster, aren't they? The only power the opposition party has right now is the filibuster. And even that is just for one day. It delays things by just one day, giving us a chance to speak our minds. Then there is the fast-track. When our party held the standing committee chair, the fast-track meant that if three-fifths or more of the lawmakers designated a bill for fast-track, the committee had to deliberate on it for 180 days. But when our party was the standing committee chair and we tried to fill those 180 days, they said that wouldn't work either. They say if we don't discuss it, they will give the authority to replace the standing committee chair. We might as well not have a National Assembly. I think the National Assembly should be dissolved.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Why is that?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: We are completely just a sideshow for the opposition. They are passing all the bills however they want.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Reading the articles this morning, I felt that they are basically telling the National Assembly and the opposition party to just act as an accessory to whatever they want to do.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: They are not guaranteeing even the minimum checking function for the opposition?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: They are not. Who has been the chair of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee so far? What did Chairperson Jung Chung-rae and Chairperson Choo Mi-ae do? They exercised the long-dead authority to strip lawmakers of their right to speak and to order them to leave. What can an opposition lawmaker do? It's speaking, just speaking. We hold the microphone and speak in the National Assembly hall, but they don't even give us the microphone.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Speaking of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair, the person elected this time is Representative Seo Young-kyo. You have served in the Assembly and had some experience with her on the committee. How do you evaluate Chairperson Seo Young-kyo?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I can say that her running of meetings is slightly better than Chairperson Choo Mi-ae's, but she is fundamentally unqualified.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Why?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I said yesterday that she should resign. Why? Because what is the biggest task we can expect this Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair to do, the thing they must do? Isn't it dropping the charges against the President? Yet, Chairperson Seo Young-kyo is someone who has practically acted as the President's personal guard.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: First, before President Lee Jae-myung became president, she constantly harassed the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court over the "Cho Hee-dae four-person meeting rumor," claiming the Supreme Court quickly ruled on President Lee's election law case.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Second, as the chair of the Special Committee for Parliamentary Investigation, isn't she the one who led the buildup to dropping the charges, starting with the "salmon sashimi and alcohol party" controversy? If so, she shouldn't be in that position.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Even though they are living in a world where they do whatever they want, the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair should at least be someone who appears neutral or has a neutral temperament.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, shall we play a "balance game" (would-you-rather game) that is popular these days?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: What is that? I'm just so angry right now.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Among the recent Legislation and Judiciary Committee chairs of the ruling party—former Chairperson Jung Chung-rae, former Chairperson Choo Mi-ae, and the incoming Chairperson Seo Young-kyo—who is the best from the opposition's perspective?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I've thought about it, and Chairperson Choo Mi-ae might actually be better.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Really?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Why? Because she was so unlikable to the public that the moment Chairperson Choo Mi-ae stepped forward, people immediately thought, "Ah, there is definitely something wrong with that Legislation and Judiciary Committee."
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: In that sense? I see. In any case, your point is that no matter who becomes the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair, if the opposition cannot secure that seat and yields it to the ruling party, the opposition's checking function in the National Assembly will be blocked, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: It's not just blocked; it is stripped away. This is absolutely unacceptable.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That is why these issues keep coming up lately. Out of 18 committees, the Democratic Party has taken 11. That leaves seven. They are telling the People Power Party to take them. There is a way to accept them, or there is a way to give up all 18 and go for a hardline struggle. Which way?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: If they are going to change the filibuster and fast-track bills like that, I see no reason to accept them. I say, "Take them all and do whatever you want."
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Like what was done after the 2020 general election?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Yes. Since they are going to do whatever they want in the National Assembly anyway, isn't it right to just show that clearly to the public? This is beyond mere legislative dictatorship. As I said earlier, they are basically saying, "Opposition, just pretend to exist; make the National Assembly look like it's functioning." Why should we be a sideshow for that? I believe we must wage a hardline, ultra-hardline struggle. We should seriously consider resigning our seats (returning our lawmaker badges).
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That is your view, but how do you think the sentiment of other lawmakers will shape up at today's general meeting?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Well, I'm not entirely sure, but watching the meeting between the President and the ruling party leadership yesterday evening, I think such thoughts might spread more widely.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Another major issue right now is the President's Southwest Gwangju semiconductor investment project. You described it as a "corporate chief economic extortion show."
 
[Na Kyung-won]: That's correct.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Do you believe a parliamentary investigation or something similar is needed for this?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Of course it is needed. I view it as an abuse of power.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: They talked about "promotional administration" on the condition of infrastructure investment.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: To put it nicely, the President's expression was that there was guidance, or to put it negatively, inducement, but there was no oppression or coercion, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: He said that, but while talking about "promotional administration"—promotional administration means laying down infrastructure unconditionally and inviting any company to come. But isn't this conditional? "If you invest in Honam, we will lay this down for you." And what is the purpose of that? Isn't it for the party convention?
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: So you see it that way too?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Isn't it obviously for the party convention? This is clear as day. This is a deviation from authority and purpose. Furthermore, does the corporations' decision look rational? When you look at securing power, water, talent, and materials, parts, and equipment (소부장), it is hard to see it as a rational decision. Do you really think there was a rational review within the corporations? I believe they were virtually coerced without such processes.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: That's why some said, looking at the photo of them bowing at a 90-degree angle, "This isn't just bowing; their backs are being broken."
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: So you are thinking of a scenario where the President is courting Honam to boost Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, since his support in Honam is relatively weak ahead of the party convention?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: It is more than just courting. We are not opposing investment in Honam or the semiconductor industry itself. What we are saying is that this was practically an irrational decision. Even regarding water supply, although they are defending it now, a conclusion had already been reached that the water supply in Honam is insufficient even for the Yeosu Industrial Complex.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: But suddenly they claim the water supply is abundant. We need to look into what the government based its decision on, what rational decisions the corporations actually made in the process, and what was discussed when the President met the two corporate chiefs sequentially. I believe we must conduct a parliamentary investigation.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: The President recently said regarding this issue that Honam has historically suffered a lot of discrimination, so compensation for that and for its dedication to democratization is necessary. So, hearing your words, you are not opposing investment itself as a form of compensation for Honam, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: We do not oppose the investment itself.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: But whether it is rational?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: But if you force it on corporations and it is not a rational decision, the industry itself could end up suffering. This is ultimately our future engine of growth, and there are also job issues for future youth. There could be various side effects, such as a decline in global competitiveness. Just yesterday, the Samsung labor union also joined the fray. The Samsung union's stance yesterday also has points worth listening to. Ultimately, moving to the Honam region directly runs into the problem of securing talent and workforce. Therefore, I believe this is not an issue that can be resolved by the government stepping in and forcing corporations.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Looking at a Chosun Ilbo article this morning, there was a report that the Blue House called heavyweight lawmakers of the People Power Party to propose a golf meeting. The intent was to hear bitter advice from opposition lawmakers. The intent is very good, but Representative, did you happen to receive a call?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I didn't receive one. But I find this highly suspicious. The President and the Blue House are framing everything around the narrative that Trump suggested playing golf. However, according to tips we've received, there are many reports that the President had already played golf before Trump's proposal for a meeting.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Is playing golf not allowed?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: But in the past, they gave the previous administration a really hard time for playing golf. There are various tips about when it was, what time it was, what happened before and after, and who he played with. I am very curious if they proposed playing golf to our party's heavyweights just to dilute that issue.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: But setting all that aside, looking at the article, Representative Shin Sung-bum also received the proposal but declined because he doesn't play golf, though he reportedly replied to the Blue House that it was a very good gesture. It was also reported that another heavyweight lawmaker from the Yeongnam region received the proposal. How do you view the proposal itself?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Even without a golf meeting, if the ruling party has any intention of communicating with the opposition, there are plenty of other ways to do so. Shouldn't they listen to us a little? Shouldn't they at least split the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair? Without doing any of that, what is the point of meeting to play golf or having a meal together?
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, if you receive the proposal, will you go for a round?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: As I said, what is the point of meeting to play golf or having a meal? When they take all the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chairs and try to completely hollow out the deliberation period of the fast-track, what kind of conversation can we even have? They need to show sincerity. Right now, they are just trying to make the opposition a sideshow.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Let's talk about internal party matters. Representative Jang Dong-hyeok is talking about disciplinary action against lawmakers and outside-parliament local party chapter chairs. There seem to be two main issues: those who demanded Representative Jang's resignation, and those who supported independent candidate Han Dong-hoon's election campaign. How do you view the push for disciplinary action itself?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Well, helping an independent candidate is indeed an act harming the party. And in a way, disciplinary action must be carried out in accordance with the party constitution and rules, and according to those principles. But the important thing is that "discipline" and "politics" are words that do not go well together.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That's true.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I believe that practicing politics through disciplinary action is not desirable.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Therefore, I think the sword of discipline should be wielded as minimally as possible.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: So, at this timing, could disciplinary action instead drive the party into greater chaos?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Right, there are issues of timing, and also the scope of the discipline. So I think we need to harmonize these aspects a bit better.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Floor Leader Jeong Jeom-sig opposes disciplining active lawmakers, right? He seems to have intentions of running for party leader. The party's top two leaders are currently...
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Does he oppose disciplining active lawmakers? I haven't actually...
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Floor Leader Jeong Jeom-sig...
 
[Na Kyung-won]: ...discussed this issue in detail with Floor Leader Jeong Jeom-sig.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That's how it was reported—that we should be cautious about disciplining active lawmakers.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Yes.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Then the top two leaders of the party are currently disagreeing on various issues. Will the party be okay?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: But what we are worried about these days is that the Democratic Party is pushing forward so rapidly and doing whatever they want. We must not fail to play our role effectively due to this kind of friction within our party.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: So, for now, let's keep this friction or conflict under the surface. There seems to be a consensus that, with the country on the verge of ruin, we should focus on fighting for the nation and against the ruling party, rather than having articles written about bickering within our party.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: So you also hold the position that at this timing, politics is needed more than discipline, right?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: What I am saying is that we should adjust the speed, timing, and scope. It's not that I am taking a stance that absolutely no disciplinary action is acceptable right now.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Really? Then who and for what...
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I'm not going to speak on that issue specifically right now. As I said yesterday, I think this is a critical time where we have to question whether the National Assembly even exists and whether we should resign our seats.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Ultimately, everything is connected to the issue of Representative Jang Dong-hyeok's position. There are analyses suggesting that Representative Jang is wielding the sword of discipline because of this. Looking at what you said recently, you mentioned yesterday that we should resolve this quietly and amicably rather than noisily. But can this really be done quietly? Representative Jang says he won't step down, while lawmakers from "Alternative and Future" (대안과미래) demand his resignation at every general meeting, and they are fighting over this even in the Supreme Council.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I heard that the lawmakers from Alternative and Future have decided not to bring it up at the general meetings anymore.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Really?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: So, we actually perceive the current reality of South Korea as extremely grave. In particular, holding onto the Legislation and Judiciary Committee chair until the end means they intend to pass all kinds of bills they've mentioned, not just dropping the charges. For example, in real estate, they will touch everything from abolishing the special deduction for long-term holding to holding taxes and capital gains taxes. That is why, although we talk about rebuilding or unifying the conservative bloc, we believe we must first prevent South Korea from being destroyed any further.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Therefore, we hope Representative Jang will stand at the forefront and work harder with us on these matters. It is not desirable for internal party conflicts to dominate most of the news, making our fight against the ruling party disappear while only family feuds are highlighted.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Last question. In any case, if Representative Jang completes his term, it will be around September or October of next year (2027). If he doesn't, there could be a party convention at the end of this year or early next year. To rebuild the conservative bloc, save the country, revive the People Power Party, and keep the Democratic Party government in check, will you run for party leader? Is that correct?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: I don't think now is the appropriate time to talk about that. In any case, as a responsible politician of the opposition party, I am always thinking about fulfilling my responsibility in whatever position I may hold.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: In any case, you do have some thoughts about it, right? It's not that you have none at all?
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Rather than thinking about the position, I truly believe our party must not collapse like this. It's not just about the party collapsing; I believe the portion of South Korea that shares our views will grow much larger than those who share the Democratic Party's views. I believe there must be a healthy political force to represent them.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Among the things the President said yesterday, he mentioned having a dispute with former President Moon Jae-in about "integration versus structural majority." I've been thinking that our party also needs to make more efforts to build that structural majority.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. We will wrap up here. This was Representative Na Kyung-won of the People Power Party. Thank you.
 
[Na Kyung-won]: Thank you.

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