- Thoughts on serving as the party's secretary-general? Regretful that the local elections fell short of expectations
- Painful that the merger issue with the Rebuilding Korea Party turned into an internal party conflict
- Local election white paper to be released after the national convention... considering its potential impact
- Crucial to analyze the noticeable "split-voting pattern" and the "defeat in Seoul"
- Cho Kuk's questions? No need to answer... some questions are for self-reflection
- Party-presidency relationship? No reason for it to be abnormal... evaluations of the local elections are aligned
- Party split after the national convention? Groundless worry... appropriate conflict is the driving force of innovation
- Rhyu Si-min's "reconstruction" theory? A critic's perspective... should not be framed as such
- Both "external expansion" and "internal inclusion" are needed... Rhyu would agree
- PPP claiming the Finance and Economy Committee was stolen? Is there a law saying it belongs to them?
- Lacks consistency with their arguments that caused a deadlock over the Legislation and Judiciary Committee
- Determination as the Finance and Economy Committee chair? Will restore public livelihoods and secure future growth engines

■ Broadcast: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 – 9:00 AM)
■ Date: Wednesday, July 1, 2026
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Representative Cho Seung-rae of the Democratic Party of Korea
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: There are sayings that the conflict within the Democratic Party is worsening ahead of the national convention. Let's connect over the phone with Representative Cho Seung-rae of the Democratic Party, who held a press conference the day before yesterday upon stepping down as secretary-general. Hello, Representative.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Nice to meet you. This is National Assembly Member Cho Seung-rae.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, you served as secretary-general for about 10 months. Looking back, what was the most difficult part?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Every moment was difficult. Because the role of secretary-general is to oversee party affairs, although it's not highly visible, I had to hold meetings almost every day and sign off on approvals. For example, I had to individually approve fund executions to manage various household affairs of the party.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Also, party officials would come and ask me to make decisions. Although a political party has a chairperson and supreme council members, the secretary-general actually holds virtually full authority over general party affairs, constantly processing approvals and making decisions. I couldn't just avoid making decisions, and they had to be made in a timely manner, which was a hidden difficulty.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: The second, more visible difficulty was, of course, the various political events that took place during my tenure as secretary-general.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: First, there was an internal party controversy regarding the merger with the Rebuilding Korea Party. It was painful that those issues escalated into an internal party conflict.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: And during the local elections, because there were so many candidates running, we nominated 3,200 people this time.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That is a lot.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Yes. So, we set up a local election planning committee to plan the elections, establish nomination criteria, form nomination management bodies to carry out nominations, run primaries, and conduct the election campaign for the main election. None of these processes were easy. And in the end, it was much harder because of the assessment that the results fell short of what we, our party members, or our supporters had expected. Honestly, everything was difficult.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Although some time has passed, we must talk about the local elections. I hear you are preparing a white paper. Is it coming out around September?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Regarding the white paper, on a practical level, we are required to first form a local election planning committee, as I explained earlier. The committee is set up to determine the general rules of the local elections, nomination principles, and criteria. It is a record of what took place within the party, from the process of establishing policies, pledges, and strategies to the final election results. Compiling these records is the white paper, and since it is a practical task, it is being carried out internally.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: In addition, an evaluation committee for the June 3 elections has been formed. That evaluation committee is assessing whether we responded and coped appropriately throughout the series of processes in the June 3 elections, what the major issues were, how we responded, and evaluating from the perspective of each entity—such as the central party, provincial and municipal chapters, local constituency committees, and candidates from each camp—as well as from the perspective of issues, procedures, and processes.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: These two will be combined and released in the form of a white paper.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Looking at the evaluation committee's current schedule, it seems difficult to finish before the national convention, and they seem to plan to wrap it up after the national convention.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, is the release of the results after the national convention due to a physical lack of time, plus consideration of the potential impact this content might have on the national convention if released beforehand?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Since I was not involved in the evaluation committee, I cannot comment on that directly, but I think it would be appropriate to view both interpretations as correct.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: In your view, regardless of the conclusion, is there a specific aspect that absolutely must be evaluated?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Specifically, what made this local election different from previous ones was that in the past, straight-ticket voting was quite common.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That's true. It was.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: From our perspective, straight-ticket voting was almost close to 100% in the past. This time, however, unusual patterns emerged in different regions. For example, in Seoul, voters supported Democratic Party candidates for district mayors or metropolitan council members, but supported the People Power Party candidate for the metropolitan mayor (Seoul mayor). Conversely, in South Chungcheong Province, voters chose Democratic Party candidate Park Soo-hyun for the provincial governor, but selected the People Power Party for heads of basic local governments. This split-voting pattern occurred frequently.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: But looking at Seoul, we estimate that those who split their votes accounted for at least 3% or more.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That would certainly affect the outcome.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: If it's over 3%, the plus-minus effect creates a 6% difference. Therefore, considering that the Seoul mayoral election was decided by a margin of about 1%, we have no choice but to see split-voting as having the greatest impact. However, as I explained, the situation in Seoul was different from South Chungcheong Province, and in Gangwon Province, split-voting was significantly lower compared to other regions. Those who voted for Governor Woo Sang-ho for the metropolitan post made almost identical choices for the 18 basic local government heads. The case of Gangwon is also a somewhat unique case. In a way, you could say Gangwon ran the best campaign.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Indeed.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: So, the voters' level of sophistication has already reached a point where they have distinct criteria for choosing all eight positions—ranging from individual candidates for metropolitan governments, basic local governments, metropolitan council members, basic council members, metropolitan proportional representation, basic proportional representation, to superintendents of education, and in some areas, even by-elections. If so, we need a clear, detailed, and accurate understanding of the public sentiment regarding this. In my view, while analyzing whether we won or lost, or why we lost when we should have won, is an important point, the analysis I just mentioned is what is most precisely needed to understand the factors behind the victory or defeat.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Especially in the case of Seoul, the defeat there is the most painful for us, isn't it?
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: From the Democratic Party's perspective, yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: That is why we particularly need to evaluate why such a choice was made in Seoul, unlike in South Chungcheong or Gangwon.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: If you had to pick a region where the result was completely unexpected and contrary to your initial expectations, would it be Seoul?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: In Seoul, according to our internal surveys, a fierce and close race was constantly underway. That is why about a week before the election day—specifically, the weekend before early voting—the media, as always, requested an analysis of the electoral situation.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That's right.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: So, although I don't really like analyzing the electoral situation, I mentioned six regions where close races were underway: Seoul, Daegu, Busan, Ulsan, South Gyeongsang Province, and North Jeolla Province. In reality, close races occurred in those six places just as I expected. The People Power Party included the Chungcheong region as a close race, but that was a somewhat exaggerated claim. My statement that those six regions were close races was not an exaggeration.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: It turned out that way.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: We analyzed it accurately using our internal data before speaking. We also had internal discussions with each metropolitan mayoral/gubernatorial campaign camp based on that information. However, we painfully regret that we did not succeed in formulating appropriate countermeasures.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I see. Representative, the defeat in Pyeongtaek must also be painful. Former Representative Cho Kuk, who was one of the opponents, asked ten questions via social media. You must have seen them. Was there anything in those questions worth answering?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Well, I don't know with what thoughts he asked those questions, but I believe there are common questions that the Rebuilding Korea Party, the Democratic Party, candidate Kim Yong-nam, and candidate Cho Kuk can ask each other.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I suppose so.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: There are also parts where each must ask themselves and answer, and there might be points where they ask the opponent, "Why did you do that back then?"
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: I understand it to that extent, and I don't think there is any particular reason to answer them.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. By the way, Representative, we are currently in the phase of the national convention. Is the relationship between the party and the presidency really fine?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: There is no reason for the relationship between the party and the presidency to be abnormal.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: But it seems like there is some friction. From an outsider's perspective, the President and the former party representative seem to have different views on the local election results.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Looking at the wording that was mainly used in the headlines, Representative Jeong Cheong-rae initially expressed that while the defeat in the Seoul mayoral election was painful, we could still win. The President said that because we failed to win where we should have won, he takes the public sentiment heavily. I think it is a difference in emphasis. Therefore, I have consistently stated that the President's assessment and our party's assessment are aligned.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Specifically, as I mentioned earlier, in this local election, about 72% of the 3,200 candidates who ran were elected. So, it is actually an unprecedented level of victory. However, regarding the fact that we lost Seoul in terms of metropolitan governments, and the painful defeats in by-election areas where we should not have lost, such as Buk District in Busan or Pyeongtaek, the party naturally empathizes with the internal and external assessments, and we agree on that part.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: We are in the national convention phase. Representative, terms like "pro-Myung," "pro-Cheong," "pro-Seok," along with negative words like "legitimacy debate" and "exhumation of graves," keep appearing in media reports.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Some people are even worried that the Democratic Party might split after the national convention. How do you view the current situation of the national convention?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: The worry that the party might split after the national convention will turn out to be groundless. I think of it this way: is conflict really a bad thing for a political party or any organization? I believe that appropriate conflict serves as a driving force for change and innovation.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: There is no change without conflict, and no progress without conflict. After all, people conflict because they have different thoughts, and debates happen because thoughts differ, right? But what is important, in my view, is how we reasonably conduct these debates and conflicts so that the adjusted, agreed-upon, or selected results are accepted, and how we gather strength around them. In that sense, I believe our party has wisely resolved all such processes since the founding of the Democratic Party of Korea in 2016. From that perspective, I believe this current conflict will also be well-adjusted and resolved. Ultimately, I believe the party will evolve to a higher level.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Representative, this is also related to the national convention. Writer Rhyu Si-min has made highly critical remarks toward President Lee Jae-myung, saying, "He seems overly confident. When asked to expand the building, he is doing a reconstruction that the supporters didn't even agree to." Why do you think writer Rhyu Si-min is acting this way toward the President?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Well, I think he is speaking from a critic's perspective as he resumed political commentary after saying he wouldn't do it anymore.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Do you agree with these remarks?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Rather than agreeing or disagreeing, I would like to interpret this from a different perspective. Currently, there are theories of expansion, reconstruction, and even redevelopment.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Those words carry a certain frame or defining power, don't they?
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Rather than focusing on those, I would prefer our party to embrace two types of inclusion through this national convention process. I hope we can shift the debate to the perspective of how we should include.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: First, of course, for the party to become a strong party of the people, and a flexible and competent party, we must expand our external reach. Therefore, we must naturally continue our efforts to embrace and accept citizens who are critical of our party.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: On the other hand, as you mentioned, there are internal conflicts within our party. Will we handle those conflicts by excluding, driving out, overthrowing, and isolating, or will we embrace and accept each other? These are completely different perspectives. Therefore, I believe both internal inclusion and external expansion-oriented inclusion are necessary.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: If we conduct the national convention from that perspective, I believe this conflict phase can be sufficiently resolved.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: I think writer Rhyu Si-min's opinion is also talking about these two types of inclusion. However, I believe writer Rhyu spoke about internal inclusion first. I think simultaneous inclusion is necessary.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. Representative, last question. You have taken on the role of chairman of the Strategy and Finance Committee for the second half of the National Assembly.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: That's correct.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: However, the People Power Party is protesting, asking, "Why did you take the Strategy and Finance Committee when it belongs to us?" How do you view this?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Does the National Assembly Act state that the Strategy and Finance Committee belongs to the People Power Party?
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: There are reports of complaints that since the People Power Party held the chairmanships of the Strategy and Finance Committee and the National Policy Committee in the first half, it is too much for the Democratic Party to take those standing committees as well.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: By that logic, the Democratic Party held the Legislation and Judiciary Committee in the first half, so why did they cause a deadlock over the Legislation and Judiciary Committee? There must be consistency in their logic. For example, if they claim they want the Legislation and Judiciary Committee to ensure checks and balances in the National Assembly, they should stick to that argument. Saying "It was ours in the first half, so why are you taking it in the second half?" contradicts their own claim to take the Legislation and Judiciary Committee.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: I believe any political party must be consistent when making an argument.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: The name has been changed to the Finance and Economy Committee. As you take on the role of chairman, could you share your final thoughts and determination?
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: It is true that there are signs of recovery in various economic indicators. However, there are still various issues, such as external uncertainties, exchange rate issues, and inflation, that have not yet directly trickled down to the livelihoods of ordinary citizens.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Furthermore, as the President directly announced the three mega-projects, creating future growth engines is extremely important, isn't it? Therefore, I believe we are tasked with two missions: restoring public livelihoods and securing future growth engines. I promise to work responsibly in the National Assembly, and on the other hand, I will strive to set an example of productive parliamentary operation by running it according to the procedures set by the National Assembly Act so that the National Assembly can function properly.
 
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. We will wrap up here. That was Representative Cho Seung-rae of the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you.
 
[Cho Seung-rae]: Thank you.

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