- Jo Hee-de's rejection came during President Lee's overseas tour... A disregard for basic courtesy
- "No constitutional basis"? The president's appointment power is clearly defined
- Jo Hee-de playing political moves is not something to overlook lightly
- Pursuing Chief Justice Jo's impeachment? A judgment call for the party leadership
- President Lee's press conference? He did well in his efforts to dispel public anxiety
- Expressing sincerity about prosecution reform is meaningful in itself
- Rhyu Si-min's "pebble in the shoe"? Just shake it out, it is not that difficult
- Applying ointment once will not cure it; trust must be built step by step
- Having worked eight years at the Blue House, personnel appointments are the most difficult
- Vetting issues seem significant... President Lee will present a solution soon
- Overhaul or stability? Being neither here nor there is the real problem
- Cleaning up after Kim Seung-won? Not an issue for politicians to argue back and forth over
■ Program: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5 MHz 7:00 – 9:00 AM)
■ Date: September 23, 2026 (Wednesday)
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Yoon Kun-young, Lawmaker of the Democratic Party of Korea
[Kim Tae-hyun]: From now, we are joined by Democratic Party of Korea Lawmaker Yoon Kun-young. I have so many questions for you. Hello, Lawmaker Yoon.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Hello, I am Yoon Kun-young, representing Guro-B.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Lawmaker Yoon, let us first examine the most pressing current issue.
[Yoon Kun-young]: May we start with Chuseok holiday greetings first?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes, holiday greetings for Chuseok.
[Yoon Kun-young]: I hope all of our citizens have a happy Chuseok holiday, full and abundant like the full moon.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: A happy Chuseok for you, and a happy Chuseok for all citizens, especially the voters of your constituency in Guro-B.
[Yoon Kun-young]: That is correct.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: While we should be enjoying a happy Chuseok, urgent crises have landed on the feet of the president, the administration, and the ruling party.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes. There are many landmines.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: There are many landmines indeed. Looking at the most urgent landmine felt by the ruling party yesterday—the one that surfaced and went off yesterday.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Supreme Court Chief Justice Jo Hee-de?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: First, Chief Justice Jo Hee-de...
[Yoon Kun-young]: He just hurled multiple anti-tank landmines.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Anti-tank landmines? In fact, he had previously stated, "I will explain my position in detail to the public around next week." And about three to four weeks, roughly 25 days, have passed since then.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Twenty-five days have passed, yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Twenty-five days passed, right?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: After remaining silent for all that time, and not saying a single word during his tea meeting with the president, he announced this right after the president boarded the plane for the United States: "Refusal to re-nominate."
[Yoon Kun-young]: In my view, Chief Justice Jo went too far. As you just pointed out, there was an opportunity for the two of them to talk, and at the very least, the president is currently on an overseas tour. In our household, do we not stop fighting when someone is away?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: The Supreme Court of the Republic of Korea is not the supreme court of another country or the moon. In a way, this feels like a disregard for basic courtesy. If he had such remarks to make, he could have done so before the departure or after the president returned, but choosing the very day the president embarked on the overseas tour raises questions. Leaving aside the substantive content, looking at the attitude first—because attitude can be the essence—one cannot help but suspect that this approach is intended to land a severe political blow. It defies common sense.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: What about the content itself? The argument that the president's request for re-nomination lacks a constitutional basis.
[Yoon Kun-young]: It is stated in the Constitution. The issue is simply that the specific details of which constitutional clause applies have not been conclusively settled, but the president's appointment power is an explicit constitutional clause. Therefore, I believe what Chief Justice Jo said yesterday was factually incorrect. First, it is in the Constitution. Second, he claimed there was no countersignature by the prime minister. That argument only exposes an ignorance of the electronic approval system. How could a prime minister countersign in an electronic approval system? A countersignature literally means signing alongside. Electronic approval is processed with all of that taken into account. Even when appointing the chief justice, electronic approval is used. Under his logic, it would mean that he himself never received the prime minister's countersignature and is thus unqualified. That makes no sense.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: However, unlike politicians, Chief Justice Jo does not conduct background briefings, so we cannot know what he is thinking, what his aims are, or how he intends to resolve this issue going forward.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Aren't his thoughts fairly readable?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: How do you view it, Lawmaker Yoon?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Look at the cases under Chief Justice Jo's Supreme Court ahead of the last presidential election, which refused to recognize President Lee Jae-myung and sought to bring him down, as well as the Supreme Court's actions on the night of the illegal insurrection. Only now do things click. I did not think this way before, but now I ask myself, is this it? Is this an outright rejection of President Lee Jae-myung? Yesterday's events made the puzzle pieces fall into place. That is why I believe he has crossed the line—far, far crossed the line.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: You mean the chief justice appears not to recognize the president as the head of state?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Exactly. As I said once before, I initially viewed it as Chief Justice Jo's revolt, but right now, this is an outright insurrection in itself.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: From the Blue House's standpoint, since the president is the one responsible for governing the state, this issue must be resolved somehow. But right now, both sides' claims are running on parallel tracks.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: The Blue House is saying, "Respect the president's appointment power. If we must simply do whatever the chief justice dictates, what does appointment power even mean?"
[Yoon Kun-young]: Then this would be the chief justice's country.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Conversely, the Supreme Court argues, "If the president handpicks Judge Kim Min-ki and sends the request down, doesn't that nullify the chief justice's nomination power?" Both sides are making virtually equivalent assertions.
[Yoon Kun-young]: That is not the case. Regarding the chief justice's nomination power, the Supreme Court Justice Recommendation Committee designated four candidates. If one became unviable, there are still three remaining candidates. He could simply nominate from among those three. His authority is not being nullified.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: But besides Judge Kim Min-ki, wasn't there word that one of the remaining two cannot be considered due to issues surrounding the dedicated panel on the insurrection?
[Yoon Kun-young]: It was even reported that the Minister of National Court Administration phoned the four candidates, telling them, "You must not resign." That in itself is an outright illegality. This suggests there was another hidden agenda behind what the chief justice is thinking. That is why I view this as very serious.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Lawmaker Yoon, couldn't they simply form a new recommendation committee? The Blue House seems to want Judge Kim Min-ki, while the Supreme Court seems to take the stance, "How can a wife become a Supreme Court justice when her husband is a Constitutional Court justice? That is unacceptable." Why not just form a fresh committee and recommend four new candidates? Then they could agree on one from among the four.
[Yoon Kun-young]: In my view, the chief justice disregarded the Constitution of the Republic of Korea and violated the law. Is this something that can just be smoothed over under the pretense of keeping things pleasant? The chief justice is the very person in the Republic of Korea who should adhere to the law most strictly. When the chief justice acts like this—simply put, rejecting the president and making political moves—should we just let it slide for the sake of convenience? Once the president returns from abroad, the Blue House will issue its position, and I expect our Democratic Party will also deliberate calmly and formulate a countermeasure.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Lawmaker Yoon, what about this idea? When this problem first arose, some reports suggested: why not have the president submit nominee Son Bong-ki to the National Assembly, where the Democratic Party would vote him down given the current climate? Then the recommendation committee would inevitably have to be reconstituted. What about that approach?
[Yoon Kun-young]: That approach is already water under the bridge.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: The timing was missed?
[Yoon Kun-young]: That ship has sailed. Rather than missing the timing, since the president chose to request a re-nomination, that option is no longer on the table.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Then how should this be resolved now?
[Yoon Kun-young]: As I mentioned earlier, once the president returns, an approach will be formulated, the Blue House will release its stance, and the Democratic Party will also present its views.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Regarding Chief Justice Jo Hee-de, an impeachment card has been mentioned occasionally. Do you think the Democratic Party could pull that card?
[Yoon Kun-young]: That appears to be an issue the leadership must assess meticulously. Individually, some may strongly desire it while others may not, but such a decision requires strategic, highly calculated political judgment and sound legal grounds. Rather than speaking casually about it, I consider it a matter for the leadership to decide.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: It must indeed involve considerable deliberation.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: And earlier, I used the wrong term by saying "nomination committee."
[Yoon Kun-young]: Recommendation committee.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Right, the Supreme Court Justice Candidate Recommendation Committee. I used the wrong terminology out of ignorance. Understood. In any case, this matter needs to be resolved swiftly and smoothly, because a prolonged clash between the president and the chief justice is unsettling for the public.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Rather than a clash, as I said, it is an "insurrection by the chief justice."
[Kim Tae-hyun]: "An insurrection by the chief justice."
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. The president is currently on a tour to the United States. Prior to that, there were reports that former President Moon Jae-in and President Lee Jae-myung had a phone conversation, in which former President Moon reportedly gave encouraging words, saying he watched the press conference well. How should we interpret the phone call between the two?
[Yoon Kun-young]: First of all, it is difficult for me to disclose the contents of their conversation.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Was there meaningful content in it, then?
[Yoon Kun-young]: When the Blue House itself has not disclosed the contents of a call between an incumbent and a former president, it would be improper for those around them to do so. However, what we can deduce pertains to the timing. The call was made right before he departed for the UN General Assembly. Former President Moon viewed the UN General Assembly as a critical framework for multilateral diplomacy and never missed attending it once during his tenure.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: President Lee Jae-myung is doing the same. His address at the UN General Assembly was released this morning, and it had very good, impressive content. Looking at this, he seemed to seek advice on what to keep in mind when heading to the UN General Assembly. I always say that state affairs are like a relay race, and in that sense, I think it was a 200% commendable phone call.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Lawmaker Yoon, it wasn't solely to get advice before the UN General Assembly; there were also talks about fostering unity within the ruling camp, weren't there?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Naturally. A president's schedule is political and carries significant political weight. Therefore, the image projected by that call is read as a gesture toward unity. I believe that is only natural.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Because of that exact timing, the president stated in his press conference, "We are all pro-Roh, pro-Moon, pro-DJ, and pro-Lee Jae-myung," delivering what was an unusually direct message of unity to his support base during a public press conference.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: And following that with a phone call to former President Moon Jae-in suggests they might have discussed ways to unify the supporters who currently seem somewhat divided.
[Yoon Kun-young]: They may well have aimed secondarily for the public image and the effect of rallying the support base by having the two speak on the occasion of the UN General Assembly. As I said, that was well done.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Following the president's press conference, you mentioned on Facebook that you felt "relieved." What specifically gave you that impression?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Above all, I felt that the president was meeting the public at eye level. Meeting the public at eye level means sharing a common awareness of the situation. Solutions also emerge from seeing things from the public's viewpoint. In particular, regarding the situation where the support base has been divided, he delivered a sharp message urging people not to use derogatory terms, addressing the intra-party factional strife that lingered after the national convention. Overall, I think the president's press conference acted as a brake against the sharp drop in his administration's approval ratings.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: It provided momentum for a rebound. A single press conference cannot resolve everything, but I believe the public will recognize those efforts. Subsequent actions—such as calling former President Moon Jae-in and former Leader Jung Cheong-rae, and yesterday sending a copy of President Roh Moo-hyun's critical biography from the Blue House to each lawmaker's office in the National Assembly Members' Hall—are all part of building this step by step.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: I also read your Facebook post, and I took it as candid and loyal advice to the president.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Yes.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: You advised that he must align with public common sense and shake off all the baggage, the drop of indictments, and intentions for consecutive terms. How do you see it—did the president take your loyal advice well during the press conference?
[Yoon Kun-young]: I believe he made considerable efforts to dispel public anxiety on those two matters. Especially regarding constitutional revision for consecutive terms, imagine how unfair that accusation felt to him. Under the current constitution, consecutive terms are impossible, and as long as the People Power Party holds its seats, achieving the necessary votes for a constitutional amendment is utterly unfeasible, yet they kept insisting on it. I urged him to address it clearly to break the frame and trap set by Leader Jang Dong-hyeok, and the president did so sufficiently, so I think he handled it very well.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Watching the press conference, I also felt the president tried very hard to unite and rally his base. It was quite unusual to issue a message rallying the base during a national press conference. However, writer Rhyu Si-min, the largest influential voice in the ruling bloc, seemed displeased. Regarding the president's message of unity, he stated, "The phase where such words could resolve things has long passed." Even though the president repeatedly reaffirmed his commitment to prosecution reform during the press conference, Rhyu said, "If that is the president's goal for prosecution reform, then he has deceived the public until now." Instead of softening his tone, he grew harsher. How should we interpret this?
[Yoon Kun-young]: We should distinguish between the two aspects. Regarding prosecution reform, writer Rhyu had consistently urged the president to communicate with the public and convey his sincerity. After explanations had been lacking, the president shared his genuine thoughts through this press conference. I believe that in itself is very meaningful.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Because he expressed his true intentions.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Exactly. Because he is communicating with the public. However, writer Rhyu seems to have expressed his regrets over certain shortcomings rather intensely.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Also, the "pebble in the shoe" metaphor has been a topic of discussion lately. If there is a pebble in your shoe, you simply take off the shoe and shake it out.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: That is true.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Isn't that so? Anyone—whether you as the host or myself—can take off their shoe, shake it out to check for a pebble, put it back on, and start running again. That is why I say it is not difficult. In my view, writer Rhyu was telling him to shake the pebble out, not to put more pebbles in—unless I am being overly optimistic.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: One could raise issues with various rhetorical expressions, but his words likely stemmed from a desire for the Lee Jae-myung administration to succeed, and I think it is better for us to accept them in that spirit for now.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Then what about this: "The phase where such words could resolve things has long passed." If the president says, "We are all pro-Roh and pro-Moon, let us avoid derogatory terms, and let our supporters unite," and yet critics say the stage of solving this with words is over, they are calling on the president to take action. They are essentially saying, "I cannot trust your words right now."
[Yoon Kun-young]: Those actions include the steps I mentioned earlier—calling former Leader Jung Cheong-rae, distributing President Roh Moo-hyun's biography to lawmakers, and, interpreted broadly, calling former President Moon Jae-in ahead of the overseas tour. These are ways of building things up gradually. I do not believe wounds heal overnight. This wound has persisted for months, or perhaps for over a year. Can it be cured by applying ointment once? Nor can it be fixed with a single surgery. These things take time, and in that time, I believe there are distinct roles for our party, for lawmakers including myself, and for the administration.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. Lawmaker Yoon, you held key positions in the Blue House during the Moon Jae-in administration. Having served there, you must know well: two incumbent lawmakers—Lawmaker Yong Hye-in and Lawmaker Kim Seung-won—have been dropped from ministerial nominations. The media is calling this a personnel disaster since two sitting lawmakers were withdrawn. What do you see as the cause? Was the vetting flawed, or was the information uncovered during vetting but mishandled in the final political calculation?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Personnel appointments are truly difficult, aren't they?
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Indeed.
[Yoon Kun-young]: As the saying goes, "personnel is policy." I spent about eight years working in the Blue House, and the hardest part was always personnel. Appointments consist of three stages: recommendation, vetting, and confirmation hearings. All three are vital. As everyone knows, recommendations should be cast broadly, vetting should be rigorous and narrow, and the confirmation process must align with public standards. This is the overarching principle.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: As for where the problem occurred or where the dam broke, since I am not inside the Blue House, there are limits to what I can say with certainty. But based on what has been visible so far, vetting issues seem to have played a larger role. The president also stated in his press conference that we should reexamine the entire personnel system, so I expect he will deliver a solution soon.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Chief of Staff Kang Hoon-sik resigned, but is that enough? The opposition and the media are questioning whether senior secretaries and aides should all be replaced, or whether key figures like Director Kim Hyun-ji should step down as well.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Regarding the offensive from the People Power Party... At the start of an administration, a chief of staff has an immense workload. This was especially true because there was no presidential transition committee following the impeachment. A chief of staff without a transition period has an enormous amount of work, and I know that hardship better than anyone. Chief of Staff Kang Hoon-sik worked very hard. However, as two nominees fell through, someone had to take responsibility, and as the person at the apex of that responsibility, he chose not to evade it.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Some speak of sweeping overhauls, but my view is this: the person who best understands the necessity of an overhaul is the president himself. Based on my Blue House experience, that is because he directly senses public sentiment and the alignment of his team. Therefore, first, we should observe and respect the president's appointment authority. Second, if he chooses to reshuffle personnel, he should do so boldly. If not, organizational stability should take precedence. When it comes to overhauls, being neither here nor there is the biggest problem.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Do you view the current situation as being neither here nor there?
[Yoon Kun-young]: No. The president will make his judgment once he returns from his overseas tour.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: So replacing all the senior secretaries should also be kept on the table as an option, you mean.
[Yoon Kun-young]: That is the president's prerogative, so I respect it. If an overhaul is carried out, I believe it is best to focus on the president's agenda.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. Lawmaker Yoon, this will likely be the last question, as we have about a minute and a half left. Lawmaker Kim Seung-won has withdrawn, but that does not seem to be the end of it; damage control is needed. Allegations of sexual harassment have surfaced, along with allegations of drunk driving, and on top of that, allegations of accounting irregularities in Gyeonggi Province. How should the Democratic Party handle this aftermath?
[Yoon Kun-young]: I do not believe the political arena needs to debate back and forth over the allegations raised so far. Legal matters and issues currently before the courts will continue to have hearings—some in September and others in October. We can simply watch the court rulings. Complaints have been filed regarding the allegations, and the police and relevant agencies will conduct investigations. I believe it is a matter of waiting for those outcomes; politicians trying to dictate what should or shouldn't be done regarding allegations is no longer appropriate.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: However, when considering what the Democratic Party must do, I do not believe the momentum for prosecution reform should diminish due to Lawmaker Kim Seung-won's withdrawal. The most important thing is to maintain the momentum for reform and properly launch the upcoming Major Crime Investigation Agency and Serious Crimes Prosecution Agency.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Yes.
[Yoon Kun-young]: Lastly, Lawmaker Han Dong-hoon must now take responsibility. How can he evade accountability as a lawmaker for toying around with illegal materials like this? I believe the time has come for Lawmaker Han Dong-hoon to take responsibility.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Briefly: do you think steps like demanding Lawmaker Kim Seung-won leave the party or expelling him are necessary?
[Yoon Kun-young]: Such matters can only be judged after the legal issues and the relevant investigation findings are released, as I mentioned.
[Kim Tae-hyun]: Understood. We will conclude here. That was Democratic Party Lawmaker Yoon Kun-young. Thank you.
The copyright of this interview material belongs to SBS Radio.
When publishing the full text or quoting this interview in reporting,
please state the channel name and the exact program name as shown below.
[SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show]
※
Copying, redistribution, and unauthorized use in AI training are strictly prohibited.