- Grateful just to run in the national convention... will continue to resolve things with Jung Chung-rae
- Kim Yong-beom's resignation? Stepped down voluntarily taking responsibility for real estate and ETF issues
- Replacement was inevitable... calling for FSS governor's resignation lacks logic
- Second cabinet reshuffle? Keep an eye on Lee Hae-min and Lee So-young... carries meaning of unity as well
- Yong Hye-in controversy? Sacrifices are needed when crocodiles attack on the Serengeti
- People in their 20s and 30s do not sympathize just because someone is from the same generation
- A meteoric rise looks like privilege and greed... must follow public sentiment
- Kim Seung-won's 'dismissal of indictment' concerns? Special prosecutor act is the National Assembly's authority
- Even without investigative command authority, charges will be dropped if fabricated indictments are proven
- Cho Kuk's "Guilty verdict after Lee's term"? Trying to confirm his own presence
- Discontent over Kim Yong-nam's party appointment? Why should another party interfere in internal party affairs
- Ally with Rebuilding Korea Party on a case-by-case basis... merger is not the only answer
- Must move to a four-party system by introducing a runoff voting system in general and presidential elections
- Constitutional amendment for consecutive terms is impossible... the President will also clarify his position
- Party should move toward centrist pragmatism... revitalize the economy by easing real estate project financing
■ Broadcast: SBS Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show (FM 103.5MHz 7:00 – 9:00 AM)
■ Date: Wednesday, September 2, 2026
■ Host: Attorney Kim Tae-hyun
■ Guest: Song Young-gil, Democratic Party of Korea Lawmaker
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Today's guest is someone who returned to the Democratic Party of Korea after three years and reached the milestone of becoming a six-term lawmaker. He jumped straight into the party leadership race to make his political comeback. Let us speak with Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker Song Young-gil, who stood out as the scene-stealer at the last Democratic Party national convention. Welcome, Lawmaker.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Hello.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Lawmaker, you look much better than before you ran for the national convention.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Do I?
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Yes. It was a tough race in the national convention anyway, so how have you been spending your time since then?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I did not do any interviews; I just rested and toured my constituency.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : But during this national convention, many media outlets evaluated you very favorably. There were talks of your 'rediscovery' and being a 'scene-stealer.' Given your political stature, finishing third with a noticeable vote gap in a national convention would usually be very disappointing. Yet somehow, you seem like a hidden winner.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : In fact, it was tough. Because the votes were not coming in, I lost some steam, but I took it in stride with the mindset of "if you can't avoid it, enjoy it."
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : But looking at what you said recently, you mentioned, "Although I lost, I gained much more."
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Truly, I am grateful for everything. I was acquitted on February 13. Just being able to return to the party, enter the National Assembly, and run in the national convention in just six months was something to be grateful for.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Have you met or spoken separately with Party Leader Kim Min-seok or former Party Leader Jung Chung-rae since the national convention?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : We met together at the Blue House at that time.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Ah, back then?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes. And after that, we run into each other often in the National Assembly.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Leader Kim Min-seok aside, since you clashed so fiercely with former Leader Jung Chung-rae, there are some concerns about whether the hard feelings have been completely resolved.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : They are continuing to be resolved, and we should meet separately again.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So you have plans to meet separately?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Understood. Let us examine current issues. Presidential Chief of Staff for Policy Kim Yong-beom was excluded from Sunday's cabinet reshuffle, but he suddenly resigned yesterday morning.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : In form, it is of course a voluntary resignation, but is this a voluntary resignation or a dismissal?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Everything has two sides. Gauging these trends, it seems Chief of Staff Kim Yong-beom sought to resign on his own.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : What do you see as the reason behind this?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : The situation has come to a point where someone must take responsibility for the current unfavorable conditions in real estate, stock prices, and everything else.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : But what is puzzling is that if that were the case, announcing it together during Sunday's cabinet reshuffle would have sent a clear signal of turning the situation around and worked well. There was some media criticism because Chief of Staff Kim Yong-beom was not replaced on Sunday. Then, about a day later, talk of a replacement in the form of a voluntary resignation emerged, making the timing awkward. What might be the story behind it?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : It seems he himself thought he should step down.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So, for example, after Sunday's cabinet reshuffle announcement was not well received and voices were raised targeting Chief of Staff Kim Yong-beom, he could not bear it and tendered his resignation a day later?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : One cannot know for sure. While we cannot know, he might have wanted to quit but was left out of the reshuffle, and he seemed to strongly believe that he had to step down on his own.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Then, in the end, was the replacement a good move?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I believe it was inevitable.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Inevitable?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : I heard the two of you have been very close friends since high school. Is it Gwangju Daedong High School?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes. But public and private matters are distinct.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Have you contacted him separately recently?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I consoled him on stepping down this time, saying he worked hard.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : What did the former chief of staff say?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : He said it was inevitable.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So it was inevitable due to the overlapping issues of real estate, taxation, ETF problems, and the decline in the President's approval ratings?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is correct.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So from the President's perspective, do you see it as a situation where he had no choice but to let him go with a heavy heart?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Even if it was not necessarily that dramatic.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Really?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Regardless, the public is currently very disappointed with the real estate issue, the falling stock prices, and the ETF issues. Someone had to take responsibility.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : That is why the opposition party came out strongly, saying that regarding the ETF issue, not only Chief of Staff Kim Yong-beom, but also the Financial Services Commission chairman and the Financial Supervisory Service governor must all step down.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Did not the opposition party previously take the FSS governor's side, saying he opposed it? They attacked Kim Yong-beom, saying he pushed it through despite their opposition, but once he resigned, shifting the attack to that side seems logically inconsistent.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : The Rebuilding Korea Party also argued that FSC Chairman Lee Eog-weon must step down.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : The Rebuilding Korea Party said that?
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Yes.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I do not understand why the Rebuilding Korea Party is getting involved in that.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Lately, the Rebuilding Korea Party has intensified its criticism toward the government, including former Leader Cho Kuk, as we will discuss shortly. In any case, there was a cabinet reshuffle on Sunday, and with Chief of Staff Kim Yong-beom stepping down, the scale of the reshuffle has expanded. How do you assess the cabinet reshuffle itself?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : There were meaningful points in various aspects. They brought in Kim Kyoung-soo and also brought in a lawmaker from the Rebuilding Korea Party.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Does this serve to strengthen the political bloc? Lawmaker Lee Hae-min,
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes, Lawmaker Lee Hae-min. And Minister Lee So-young seemed to stand out.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : What do you mean by Minister Lee So-young standing out?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : When I was party leader, I appointed her as spokesperson. She faced heavy criticism from many passionate supporters for not being pro-Lee Jae-myung. However, because I respected her substance, I bore that and appointed her as spokesperson. She did well. Because she is someone with her own substance, I consider her an appointment worth noting.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : A merit-based appointment.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Then does the appointment of now-former lawmaker Lee Hae-min from the Rebuilding Korea Party and former Governor Kim Kyoung-soo signify unity across the camp and taking care of the left, as the President said?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : It holds the meaning of unity in various ways.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : I understand the positive aspects, but there are not always only good sides. First, regarding ministerial nominee Yong Hye-in.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is why I used this expression: when we watch nature documentaries, when herds of wildebeest cross the river on the Serengeti plains, it is difficult to prevent all crocodile attacks. As they cross, sometimes one has to be sacrificed.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So are you saying ministerial nominee Yong Hye-in should be coolly dismissed? That she should be left behind?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : In any case, it will not be easy for public sentiment to accept it. That is what I think. Also, I mentioned during the last national convention that young people in their 20s and 30s were absent. I question whether appointing her as Minister of Gender Equality and Family holds any appeal to the 2030 generation.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Really? Because the Blue House seemed to focus on her being a woman in her 30s and a working mother.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : But how many people in their 20s and 30s relate simply because someone from their generation was appointed minister or selected for a post? Rather, they question whether this is fair. She had a sudden, meteoric rise and received double and triple privileges. Serving twice as a proportional representative lawmaker goes against convention. Yet, while being appointed minister, she also intends to remain a National Assembly member. To anyone, it looks like greed and feels unfair.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Even if she says, "If I am officially appointed as minister, I will resign from my legislative seat," it is still difficult?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : We will have to see public sentiment on that, but that is how I feel. From the beginning, I have doubts about whether she has any appeal to the 2030 generation.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : The Blue House's current position is the standard one of watching her chance to explain herself at the confirmation hearing. Do you believe the President should resolve this issue, such as withdrawing the nomination, after the hearing?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : We must watch the confirmation hearing process.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : In any case, your personal view is that it looks difficult and poses a burden to the President.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Even during the Moon Jae-in administration, picking people in their 20s and 30s for sudden meteoric promotions happened before, but it was not particularly successful. The 2030 generation does not look upon that favorably.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : I understand what you mean.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is why I think Leader Kim Min-seok made a good choice in appointing Supreme Council Member Jeon Yong-gi. He was born in 1991. Although he belongs to the 2030 generation, he became a re-elected National Assembly member through the public's judgment in two elections. That is why I view it as the best appointment.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So you mean appointments should be made for 2030 individuals who rose from the bottom through competence, rather than sudden Cinderella-style surprise appointments?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : That makes sense. People in their 20s and 30s might think, "Who are you to be in that position?"
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Exactly.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : I understand what you mean. Naturally, the opposition party is focusing on Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won. Floor Leader Jeong Jeom-sig said yesterday, "Our number one target is Justice Minister nominee Kim Seung-won." The biggest controversy seems to be that the opposition expects him to dismiss the indictments against the President, as he led a group advocating for dismissal of charges. Lawmaker Song, during the national convention, you said a special prosecutor should be pursued for fabricated indictments, but giving that special prosecutor the authority to dismiss charges should be excluded. Has your position remained unchanged?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is correct. Nominee Kim Seung-won holds the same position.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Then the opposition will definitely ask this at the confirmation hearing: "You led a group advocating for the dismissal of indictments when you were a lawmaker; once you become Justice Minister, won't you exercise your investigative command authority to dismiss all cases against the President?" How do you think Nominee Kim Seung-won should respond to this?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I believe he will answer appropriately in principle. Furthermore, whether to include the authority to dismiss indictments in the special prosecutor act is the authority of the National Assembly, not the minister's authority. That is an issue for the National Assembly to settle, so it is not a subject of discussion for him.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Yes. What about the authority of the Justice Minister?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Can a minister direct prosecutors to do that? Would that even work? That is not an easy thing. Moreover, if a special prosecutor is established for fabricated indictments and matters like fabrication are substantively revealed, it becomes subject to dismissal of indictment under the Criminal Procedure Act.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : That would follow a natural course.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is right. There was controversy over whether to include that in the special prosecutor act or let the prosecution decide. But I believe it should not be included in the special prosecutor act. Logically, a special prosecutor might be seen as fairer because they are appointed under a law passed by the National Assembly, but the special prosecutor is also appointed by the President. However, current prosecutors were not appointed by current President Lee Jae-myung. Isn't that so?
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : That is true.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : They are prosecutors appointed before that. So the situation is different.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Then you are saying that, realistically, it is also difficult for the Justice Minister to exercise investigative command authority to dismiss these indictments.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is right. Furthermore, under Article 255 of the current Criminal Procedure Act, an indictment can be dismissed before the first-instance verdict. If an appellate trial is already underway, dismissal of indictment is completely meaningless.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : There is none. So, Lawmaker, what you are saying is that if an investigation truly reveals that prosecutors fabricated indictments, evidence, and records, it will naturally lead to a dismissal of indictment.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Exactly. It is designed to work that way under the Criminal Procedure Act.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : It should proceed naturally like that, rather than being forced artificially?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : It cannot be done artificially.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : If the President clearly states his position on this just like you did, there would be no opposition offensive.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I expect he will do so.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : But he has not said anything yet.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : The time will come.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Is that so? Understood. Then your stance is that it is necessary for the President to clarify his position on this matter at an appropriate time?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : If such controversy arises, wouldn't he settle it? Our President is someone who possesses great ability to follow, accept, and defend public sentiment.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Related to this, former Leader Cho Kuk posted a message saying that unless the Supreme Court's legal doctrine is overturned again, there is a very high probability that a guilty verdict will be handed down in the appellate trial that will resume after his term. He did not seem to post this as a former law professor; this was written by Cho Kuk the politician. Why do you think he posted this at this timing? If an opposition lawmaker had posted it, one might understand, but this comes from someone in the same camp.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : How else can we understand it except that he is doing this as a politician to continuously confirm his own presence?
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Because recently, Representative Shin Jang-sik, former Leader Cho Kuk, and the Rebuilding Korea Party overall seem to be strengthening their offensive against the Democratic Party rather than cooperating. In that situation, former Leader Cho Kuk posted this, which in some ways could be seen as targeting the President. I was curious about the background.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : We just take note of it.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Meaning this post was meant to demonstrate former Leader Cho Kuk's own presence?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Politicians constantly strive to confirm their existence. It should be understood that way.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Also, two days ago, I interviewed Shin Jang-sik, leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party, and he seemed very dissatisfied with Leader Kim Min-seok giving a party post to former Lawmaker Kim Yong-nam. He said confidence-building measures come first, and asking what this is about when talking about unity on the surface.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I did not quite understand that. Appointing internal party posts does not seem like something another party should interfere in.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : In the end, feelings seem very bad with the Rebuilding Korea Party right now. In particular, the Rebuilding Korea Party's side seems emotionally hurt.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Do you think solidarity and unity with the Rebuilding Korea Party are necessary?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Of course. We should naturally form alliances on an issue-by-issue basis.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Issue-by-issue alliance is one thing, but the ultimate issue is a merger.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is true. But a merger is not the only option. In fact, the Constitution should be amended quickly. The issue of consecutive presidential terms has become controversial now, but that is not even a valid topic and has turned into a pointless debate, so this should also be wrapped up quickly.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : That is impossible.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes, because it is impossible. If the Constitution is amended and a runoff voting system is introduced for the presidential election, there is no need to struggle desperately to force a merger. Isn't that right? In our Democratic Party national convention this time, when the runoff voting and preferential voting systems were introduced, there was no need to make a fuss demanding a Kim Min-seok and Song Young-gil candidacy unification.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : You are saying that amending the Constitution in that way comes first.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Only then can we guarantee choice for the public. Otherwise, both conservative and progressive camps are forced to unify. If things continue as they are, I see no possibility of the Jang Dong-hyeok leadership changing. Jang Dong-hyeok himself probably has presidential ambitions. He will definitely try to serve consecutive terms. He will never allow Han Dong-hoon back into the party. I believe Lawmaker Han Dong-hoon will inevitably have to run independently, whether in a presidential election or otherwise. That is why during the last national convention, I proposed lowering the threshold for a parliamentary negotiation group to 10 seats, to help the Cho Kuk party independently carve out its territory as a negotiation group, and to let Han Dong-hoon supporters leave the People Power Party and form an alliance with Lee Jun-seok's party to make 10 seats as a negotiation group holding up the banner of authentic, rational conservative forces against 'Yoon Again'—only then will Han Dong-hoon have a political future. Clinging to the 'Yoon Again' forces and struggling to return to the party and survive—would the mainstream of the People Power Party, let alone the Taegeukgi units shivering at Olympic Park, ever accept Han Dong-hoon? In my view, that is impossible.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : So easing the negotiation group threshold like that,
▶ [Song Young-gil] : That is why we inevitably have to move toward a four-party system.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : What about general elections?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : My argument is to amend the Constitution to introduce a runoff voting system for both general and presidential elections.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Like that?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Then, if two conservatives and two progressives run and hold a runoff vote, it will be settled cleanly. Why make it complicated? It guarantees choice for the public as well.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : But is a constitutional amendment possible? Even if the election law is lowered.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : This is something that can be agreed upon. Why can't it be done? People are arguing over pointless controversies regarding consecutive presidential terms, but that will be settled; it is an impossibility. How can Article 128, Paragraph 2 be amended? That is out of the question.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : If the President just says one word: "I will never do it, don't worry."
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I believe he will do so.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : You mean he will state his position?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Won't he have no choice but to do so?
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Given the situation?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : The President has actually already spoken about it. A controversy arose because it was not stated precisely, but he clearly said that it is impossible.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Understood. However, Lawmaker Choi Min-hee said that if there is no merger with the Rebuilding Korea Party, 40 seats will be lost in the general election.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : We will have to see the situation at that time. Electoral alliances can also be made on a case-by-case basis. So I am not unconditionally opposed to a merger, but during the party leadership election, I suggested pausing for a year to expand our appeal to the 2030 generation.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Lawmaker, finally, in which direction should the party's line go?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : It is currently heading toward a centrist-pragmatic line. I will support it so that it proceeds well under the Kim Min-seok leadership. Therefore, regarding the real estate issue, we should not rely solely on taxes; my argument is to expand supply as originally planned, provide financial support for end-users, and ease real estate project financing (PF) to revitalize the economy.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Understood. Just one last thing: do you believe it is right for the President to state his position at an appropriate time not only on the dismissal of indictments but also on the consecutive terms issue?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : I believe he will do so.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : And that he will ultimately do it?
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Yes.
▷ [Kim Tae-hyun] : Understood. Lawmaker, we will conclude today's interview here. This was Democratic Party of Korea lawmaker Song Young-gil. Thank you.
▶ [Song Young-gil] : Thank you.
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